Unaccusativity Bridge @cite{storment-2026} #
Connects empirical diagnostic data to lexical annotations, syntactic theory (Voice, TransitivityClass, auxiliary selection, smuggling), and semantic proto-role predictions.
@cite{storment-2026}: QI via Smuggling #
Quotative inversion (QI) is an unaccusativity diagnostic: manner-of-speaking verbs like whisper permit QI ("whispered Mary") because they are unaccusative, while agentive communication verbs like speak block QI (*"spoke Mary") because they are unergative.
The syntactic mechanism is smuggling: VP moves to Spec-VoiceP, making the theme subject accessible to T⁰ for Case licensing. This is possible iff Voice is not a phase head (non-thematic Voice), which correlates with unaccusativity.
QI ∥ LI (Unified Smuggling) #
@cite{storment-2026} argues QI and locative inversion share the same mechanism: @cite{collins-2005} @cite{dowty-1991} @cite{lu-degen-2025} smuggling of VP to Spec-VoiceP. Both are blocked by the transitivity constraint (§5) and both require non-phase Voice. They differ in input (quote vs locative PP).
Dowty Divergence #
Proto-role counting predicts MoS verb subjects as proto-agents (volitional, sentient speaker), yet QI classifies these verbs as unaccusative. This is a known divergence: unaccusativity is a syntactic diagnostic that does not always align with semantic proto-role predictions.
Each theorem ties to exactly one verb's unaccusative field.
Changing the annotation breaks exactly one theorem.
Each theorem connects a diagnostic datum to the corresponding lexical annotation. If either changes, the theorem breaks.
Derive TransitivityClass from VerbCore fields:
unaccusative → .unaccusative, complement-taking → .transitive,
otherwise → .unergative.
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Map unaccusativity to Voice flavor: unaccusative verbs project non-thematic Voice (no external argument); others project agentive Voice.
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In split-auxiliary languages (Italian, French, German), unaccusative
verbs select be and unergative verbs select have.
We verify this via canonicalSelection ∘ deriveTransitivityClass.
MoS verb subjects are volitional, sentient speakers — Dowty's proto-role counting yields P-Agent > P-Patient, predicting unergative. But QI says these verbs are unaccusative. This is a documented divergence between semantic proto-role predictions and syntactic diagnostics.
MoS subject entailment profile: volitional (P-Agent), sentient (P-Agent), exists independently (P-Agent), but no P-Patient entailments.
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Divergence: Dowty predicts MoS subjects are unergative, but QI classifies them as unaccusative.
The smuggling analysis (@cite{collins-2005}, applied to QI by @cite{storment-2026}) derives QI licensing from two independently motivated properties:
1. **Voice is non-phase** (= unaccusative): complement remains extractable
2. **Verb has a complement** (the quote): there is something to smuggle
We verify that `licensesQI` (defined in `Movement/Smuggling.lean` over
Voice + complement availability) matches the empirical QI diagnostic data
when applied to the Voice and complement type derived from each verb's
lexical entry.
Derive whether a verb has a complement (ComplementType ≠.none).
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Derive Voice head from unaccusativity annotation.
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Derived QI licensing: combines Voice (from unaccusativity) and complement availability (from complementType).
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speak is blocked: agentive Voice makes vP a phase (blocks smuggling),
AND it has no complement (.none) — doubly ruled out.
arrive is unaccusative but has no complement to smuggle —
so it doesn't license QI. This is correct: *"arrived Mary" requires
a fronted locative (LI), not a fronted quote (QI).
Quotative inversion and locative inversion share the same mechanism (smuggling of VP to Spec-VoiceP, @cite{storment-2026} §6) but differ in their inputs and distribution:
- QI requires a quote complement; LI requires a fronted locative PP
- Both are subject to the transitivity constraint (§5): multiple DP
arguments block inversion due to Case licensing limitations
- QI degrades with pronominal subjects; LI categorically blocks them
Despite sharing a mechanism, their distributional differences confirm
they are distinct diagnostic constructions with different triggers.
whisper passes QI but is only marginal in LI — same mechanism (smuggling), different inputs.
LI blocks transitive verbs; QI with just a quote complement is fine, but both show a transitivity constraint with multiple DP arguments.
LI categorically blocks pronominal subjects; QI merely degrades them.
The transitivity constraint (§5): QI is blocked when multiple DP arguments compete for Case licensing.
Unified smuggling analysis (§6): LI with arrive works because
arrive projects non-thematic (non-phase) Voice, permitting VP to
smuggle to Spec-VoiceP — the same mechanism that licenses QI.
MoS verbs participate in two seemingly opposite phenomena:
1. **MoS islands**: wh-extraction FROM WITHIN
the complement is degraded (discourse backgroundedness)
2. **Quotative inversion**: VP-smuggling to Spec-VoiceP
is grammatical (A-movement, not extraction from complement)
These are not contradictory — they're different operations:
- MoS islands: wh-movement from within CP complement (blocked by discourse)
- QI smuggling: A-movement of VP to Spec-VoiceP (licensed by syntax)
The asymmetry validates both analyses simultaneously: MoS islands are
discourse-sourced (not syntactic), so they don't block the syntactic
VP-movement that produces QI.
MoS islands are discourse-sourced, not syntactic — so they don't block the syntactic smuggling operation that produces QI.
The extraction asymmetry: sub-extraction from MoS complement is discourse-blocked, but whole-complement fronting (QI) is syntactically licensed. Same verbs, same complements, different operations, different sources.
The smuggling derivation of QI assigns each major constituent to a structural position. Each position has observable consequences that are tested against the §3 structural evidence data.
1. **Theme** → Spec-TP (A-movement): controls agreement, licenses
raising, does NOT license parasitic gaps (A ≠ Ā)
2. **Agent** → Spec-vP (in-situ): conjoint domain in Setswana,
does not control agreement (defective circumvention)
3. **VP** → Spec-VoiceP (smuggling): VP-internal material precedes
Agent; vP-external adjuncts follow Agent
4. **Quote** → DiscourseP (clause-external): can split around
V + Agent, need not be grammatical
Structural position in QI derivation.
- specTP : QIPosition
- specVoiceP : QIPosition
- specvP : QIPosition
- discourseP : QIPosition
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The QI derivation assigns constituents to structural positions. Each position has testable predictions (§3).
- themePosition : QIPosition
- agentPosition : QIPosition
- vpPosition : QIPosition
- quotePosition : QIPosition
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Unaccusativity.Bridge.instBEqQIDerivation.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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The smuggling derivation of QI.
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Each structural position predicts observable properties. We verify each prediction against the §3 data.
Theme in Spec-TP → agreement can track agent via defective circumvention: probe first hits phi-deficient Theme, then optionally re-probes and finds Agent (§3.1).
Theme in Spec-TP → Setswana SM surfaces as default SM17 because Theme is phi-deficient; probe doesn't reach Agent (§3.1).
Theme in Spec-TP → A-movement → parasitic gaps NOT licensed. A-movement chains cannot license PGs; only Ā-chains can (§3.2).
Theme in Spec-TP → compatible with subject-to-subject raising. Theme can A-move through intermediate Spec-TP positions (§3.3).
Agent in Spec-vP → Setswana disjoint morpheme blocked. Disjoint form requires the subject to be vP-external; Agent remains vP-internal in QI (§3.4).
Quote in DiscourseP → quote can split around verb + agent. A constituent in Spec-TP cannot split; DiscourseP can (§3.5).
Quote in DiscourseP → quote need not be grammatical. Clause-external status means quote is not subject to clausal well-formedness requirements (§3.5).
VP smuggling predicts: VP-internal material (complements) precedes Agent; vP-external material (adjuncts) follows Agent. The ordering data from Setswana (§2) confirms both predictions.
Levin & Rappaport @cite{levin-hovav-1995} predict unaccusativity from verb class membership: CoS classes (§45) predict unaccusative for their inchoative alternant, manner-of-motion (§51.3) predicts unergative, inherently directed motion (§51.1) predicts unaccusative, and emission classes (§43) predict unaccusative.
The function `LevinClass.predictsUnaccusative` (in RootDimensions.lean)
encodes these predictions. Here we verify them against Fragment entries
that carry both `.levinClass` and `.unaccusative` annotations.
arrive (§51.1 inherentlyDirectedMotion) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
run (§51.3 mannerOfMotion) → predicted + empirically unergative.
exist (§47) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
appear (§48) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
glow (§43.1 lightEmission) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
buzz (§43.2 soundEmission) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
bleed (§43.4 substanceEmission) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
rust (§45.5 entitySpecificCoS) → predicted + empirically unaccusative.
fidget (§49 bodyInternalMotion) → predicted + empirically unergative.
kick (§18.1 hit) → predicted + empirically not unaccusative.
MoS verbs: Levin class does NOT predict unaccusativity (agentive manner activity), but they ARE empirically unaccusative (@cite{storment-2026} QI diagnostic). This divergence motivates Storment's syntactic analysis (smuggling) over a purely lexical-semantic account of unaccusativity.
The MoS split: both whisper and speak are §37.3 mannerOfSpeaking, but they diverge on unaccusativity. Levin class membership alone cannot explain this.
Break (§45.1): the Fragment entry is the transitive causative form (unaccusative = false), but the class predicts an unaccusative inchoative alternant ("the vase broke"). The causative/inchoative alternation is the bridge between the transitive entry and the predicted unaccusativity.