Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.FillerGap.Islands.Data

Embedded question constraint: wh-dependencies blocked across intervening wh-phrase

Equations
  • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For

    CNPC: wh-dependencies blocked into relative clauses and noun complements

    Equations
    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
    Instances For

      Adjunct constraint: wh-dependencies blocked into adjunct clauses

      Equations
      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
      Instances For

        CSC: asymmetric wh-dependencies blocked in coordination

        Equations
        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
        Instances For

          Subject constraint: wh-dependencies into subjects degraded

          Equations
          • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
          Instances For
            inductive ConstraintType :

            Types of island constraints (descriptive labels)

            Instances For
              Equations
              Instances For

                Constraint strength classification

                Instances For

                  The three canonical filler-gap dependency constructions in English. Each shares the abstract mechanism of movement (a filler displaced from a gap) but differs in information-structural profile (@cite{abeille-et-al-2020}).

                  The distinction matters for testing whether island effects are construction-specific (as @cite{abeille-et-al-2020} claim) or construction-general (as @cite{cartner-et-al-2026} argue).

                  • whQuestion : FGDConstruction

                    Wh-questions: "Which driver did Stephanie explain _ had already questioned the driver?"

                  • relativeClause : FGDConstruction

                    Relative clauses: "I noticed [the investigator that Stephanie explained _ had already questioned the driver]."

                  • topicalization : FGDConstruction

                    Topicalization: "That investigator, Stephanie explained _ had already questioned the driver."

                  Instances For
                    Equations
                    Instances For

                      Extraction position within the embedded clause. The subject/object asymmetry is the core empirical target of subject island research (@cite{ross-1967}, @cite{chomsky-1973}).

                      Instances For
                        inductive IslandSource :

                        Source of an island constraint: what mechanism produces it. Distinguishes structural accounts (subjacency), processing accounts (memory load), and discourse accounts (information structure).

                        • syntactic : IslandSource

                          Syntactic: island follows from structural configuration

                        • processing : IslandSource

                          Processing: island is an artifact of memory/retrieval difficulty

                        • discourse : IslandSource

                          Discourse: island arises from information-structural backgroundedness (@cite{goldberg-2006}, 2013; Lu, @cite{lu-degen-2025})

                        Instances For

                          MoS islands are the only discourse-sourced island type currently formalized.

                          Gradience in Island Effects #

                          @cite{hofmeister-sag-2010} @cite{chomsky-1973} @cite{chomsky-1982} @cite{chomsky-1995} @cite{ross-1967} @cite{goldberg-2006} @cite{lu-degen-2025}

                          @cite{hofmeister-sag-2010} argue that the binary strong/weak classification is insufficient. Island effects are gradient along multiple dimensions, and acceptability varies systematically with nonstructural manipulations that leave island configurations intact.

                          This challenges every categorical island constraint proposed:

                          See Phenomena.FillerGap.Compare for the competence vs. performance comparison.

                          Processing factors that independently contribute to the difficulty of filler-gap dependencies inside islands.

                          • locality : ProcessingFactor

                            Distance between filler and gap increases memory load (§3.1). Confirmed by processing studies.

                          • referentialLoad : ProcessingFactor

                            Referential processing of intervening constituents depletes resources (§3.2). Definites trigger referent search; proper names > definites > indefinites > pronouns in processing cost.

                          • clauseBoundary : ProcessingFactor

                            Clause boundaries impose processing cost independent of extraction (§3.3). Even in yes-no questions, different complementizers elicit different neurological responses and acceptability.

                          • fillerComplexity : ProcessingFactor

                            Syntactic/semantic complexity of the filler phrase affects retrieval (§3.4). Counterintuitively, MORE complex fillers REDUCE processing difficulty because richer representations resist interference and aid retrieval.

                          Instances For
                            Equations
                            Instances For
                              inductive FillerType :

                              Complexity of the displaced wh-phrase.

                              Hofmeister & Sag's central manipulation across all three experiments. More complex fillers (which-N phrases) facilitate processing inside islands, because richer representations aid memory retrieval (§3.4).

                              • bare : FillerType

                                Bare wh-word: who, what

                              • whichN : FillerType

                                Complex wh-phrase: which convict, which employee

                              Instances For
                                Equations
                                Instances For
                                  Equations
                                  Equations
                                  Instances For
                                    inductive IslandNPType :

                                    Type of the island-forming NP (Experiment 1 only).

                                    Definite NPs trigger referent search and presupposition accommodation, consuming resources needed for dependency resolution (§3.2).

                                    Instances For

                                      An experimental condition from @cite{hofmeister-sag-2010}. Acceptability stored as Nat (judgment ratio × 100, so 78 means 0.78).

                                      Instances For
                                        Equations
                                        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                        Instances For

                                          Experiment 1: CNPC violations (§5). 36 items, (2 × 3) + 1 design. Acceptability ratings on 1–8 scale, normalized as ratio of subject mean. Data from Figure 3 (p. 393).

                                          Equations
                                          • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                          Instances For

                                            Experiment 2: Wh-island violations (§6). 24 items, 2 + 1 design. Acceptability on 1–7 scale, normalized. Data from Figure 5 (p. 397). Key finding: F1(1,15)=15.964, p=0.001; F2(1,19)=14.428, p=0.001.

                                            Equations
                                            • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                            Instances For

                                              Non-island baseline acceptability (CNPC experiment, Figure 3).

                                              Equations
                                              Instances For

                                                Average acceptability for a filler type across a set of conditions.

                                                Equations
                                                • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                                Instances For

                                                  Filler complexity effect in CNPC: which-N > bare wh (§5.2). F1(1,20)=48.741, p<0.0001; F2(1,35)=39.494, p<0.0001. The structure is identical — only the filler changes.

                                                  Filler complexity effect in wh-islands: which-N > bare wh (§6.2). F1(1,15)=15.964, p=0.001.

                                                  NP type effect: indefinite > definite across both filler types (§5.2). Consistent with lower referential processing cost for indefinites.

                                                  Even the best island condition (which-PL, 85) remains below the non-island baseline (108). Islands are ameliorated, not eliminated.