Verbal Predicate Lexicon Fragment #
English verb lexical entries with morphology, argument structure, semantic class, and links to compositional semantics (CoS, attitudes, causatives).
Semantic types (ComplementType, AttitudeBuilder, etc.) and the
cross-linguistic VerbCore structure live in Core/Verbs.lean. This file
defines VerbEntry extends VerbCore with English-specific inflectional fields
and provides smart constructors for regular verbs.
Compute regular 3sg present form.
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Compute regular past tense / past participle form.
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Compute regular present participle form.
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A complete English lexical entry for a verb.
Extends the cross-linguistic VerbCore (argument structure, semantic class,
compositional links) with English-specific inflectional morphology.
- form3sg : String
Third person singular present (for agreement)
- formPast : String
Past tense form
- formPastPart : String
Past participle (for passives, perfects)
- formPresPart : String
Present participle / gerund
- isRegular : Bool
Are all inflected forms rule-predictable from the citation form?
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- Fragments.English.Predicates.Verbal.instBEqVerbEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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"sleep" — intransitive, no presupposition
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"run" — intransitive, no presupposition
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"arrive" — unaccusative intransitive
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"eat" — transitive, implicit object is indefinite ("Have you eaten?")
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"kick" — transitive
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"give" — ditransitive, alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal is definite (@cite{fillmore-1986}: pragmatically recoverable). Neither object can be implicit alone.
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"put" — locative
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"weigh" — measure predicate selecting for mass/weight.
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"cover" — motion/extent predicate selecting for distance.
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"measure" — general measurement predicate.
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"buy" — irregular transitive
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"meet" — irregular transitive
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"sell" — change of possession, alternates DOC/PP. Implicit DO is definite; implicit goal is indefinite.
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"leave" — transitive (also used intransitively with argument drop)
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"see" — transitive, can also embed clauses
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"know" — factive, presupposes complement is true
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"regret" — factive, presupposes complement is true
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"realize" — factive, presupposes complement is true
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"discover" — semifactive, weaker projection
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"notice" — semifactive
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"stop" — CoS cessation, presupposes activity was happening
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"quit" — CoS cessation
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"start" — CoS inception, presupposes activity wasn't happening
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"begin" — CoS inception
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"continue" — CoS continuation, presupposes activity was happening
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"keep" — CoS continuation
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"manage" — positive implicative: "managed to VP" entails "VP".
Traditional analysis: agentive subject controls the complement.
See also manage_occasion for the @cite{solstad-bott-2024} analysis.
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"fail" — negative implicative: "failed to VP" entails "not VP"
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"try" — subject control, no entailment
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"persuade" — object control: "persuade X to VP" (X = agent of VP). Psychological attitude verb: causes the object to form an intention. Projects AUTHOR coordinate → obligatory de se (@cite{landau-2015} table (36)).
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"promise" — subject control with object: "promise X to VP". Desiderative attitude verb: the subject commits to a future action. @cite{landau-2015} (5c) classifies it as desiderative → logophoric control.
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"remember" — implicative with infinitival ("remember to call")
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"forget" — negative implicative with infinitival
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"neglect" — negative implicative (@cite{karttunen-1971} §10, ex. 38): "John neglected to lock his door" entails "John didn't lock his door."
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"believe" — doxastic attitude verb, creates opaque context
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"think" — doxastic attitude verb
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"want" — preferential attitude verb with infinitival complement
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"intend" — intention-reporting attitude verb (@cite{grano-2024}). Primary frame: infinitival with subject control ("intend to leave"). Alternate frame: for-to non-control ("intend for Ben to come along"). Rejects indicative complements cross-linguistically: "Kim intends that Sandy leaves." Requires eventuality abstraction (CAUSE binds the complement's event argument).
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"decide" — belief/intention hybrid attitude verb (@cite{grano-2024}, §6.2). Nonfinite complement → intention formation: "Kim decided to quit smoking" Finite complement → belief formation: "Kim decided that smoking is harmful" The complement type determines the reading, as with Italian convincere (@cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}).
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"hope" — preferential attitude verb (Class 3: anti-rogative). Primary frame: finite clause ("hope that John leaves"). Alternate frame: infinitival with subject control ("hope to leave").
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"expect" — preferential attitude verb (Class 3: anti-rogative)
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"wish" — preferential attitude verb (Class 3: anti-rogative)
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"fear" — preferential attitude verb (Class 2: takes questions)
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"dread" — preferential attitude verb (Class 2: takes questions)
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"worry" — preferential attitude verb (Class 1: takes questions, non-C-distributive)
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"seem" — raising verb (no theta role for subject, unaccusative)
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"cause" — counterfactual dependence (necessity semantics)
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"make" — direct sufficient guarantee
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"let" — permissive causative (barrier removal)
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"have" — causative use (directive causation)
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"get" — causative use (persuasive causation)
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"force" — coercive causative (overcome resistance)
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"prevent" — blocking causative (barrier addition).
"X prevented Y from V-ing" entails the effect did NOT occur
(¬p in w₀) but would have without X's intervention.
@cite{nadathur-lauer-2020}: preventSem (dual of causeSem).
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"kill" — thin lexical causative (kill = cause-to-die, COMPACT type).
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"break" — thick lexical causative (Levin 45.1 Break Verbs; @cite{embick-2009} break-class). Pure change-of-state verb: change in "material integrity" with no specification of how the change comes about (@cite{levin-1993}:242).
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"tear" — Levin 45.1 Break Verbs. Contrary-direction separation with force. Unlike break, tear implies a specific directionality (bidirectional / pulling apart) and is compatible with careful controlled action. Patient restriction: any solid capable of irregular separation. @cite{spalek-mcnally-2026} (§3.1–3.2). @cite{majid-boster-bowerman-2008}: Dimension 2 — tearing consistently distinguished from break/cut across 10/28 languages.
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"crack" — Levin 45.1 Break verbs. Physical disturbance CoS verb. @cite{tham-2025}: closed scale (contra @cite{rappaport-hovav-2014} two-point classification), but allows BOTH telic ("cracked in a minute") and atelic ("cracked for two days") readings. Compatible with completely, partially, badly. The verb is NOT a standard degree achievement: its variable telicity does not reduce to scale boundedness alone.
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"dent" — Levin 45.1 Break verbs. Physical disturbance CoS verb. @cite{tham-2025}: closed scale, compatible with more dented, completely dented, badly dented.
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"scratch" — Levin 45.1 Break verbs. Physical disturbance CoS verb. @cite{tham-2025}: closed scale, compatible with more scratched, completely scratched, badly scratched. Note: also has a manner reading (Levin §10.4.1 wipe verbs: "The cat scratched the sofa") distinct from the CoS reading formalized here.
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"shatter" — Levin 45.1 Break verbs. NOT a physical disturbance verb. Punctual, non-gradable: shatter in two minutes (after, not duration), #shatter for two minutes, ??more shattered (@cite{tham-2025} (12)).
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"burn" — thick lexical causative (manner = by fire/heat).
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"destroy" — thin lexical causative (result-only, no manner).
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"melt" — thick lexical causative (manner = by heat). Base transitive that productively takes DOC ("melt me some ice cream"). Implicit obj is indefinite ("the ice cream melted" / "we're melting").
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"activate" — thin causative, CoS without manner.
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"affect" — thin causative, general effect.
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"change" — thin causative, transformation (§26.6).
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"damage" — thin causative, partial destruction.
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"eliminate" — thin causative, removal/destruction.
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"hurt" — thin causative, generic harm.
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"restore" — thin causative, reverse transformation (§26.6).
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"trigger" — thin causative, engender class (§27).
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"bury" — thick causative (state), concealment (§16).
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"drop" — thick causative, caused falling (§45.4).
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"lift" — thick causative, caused upward motion (§11.4 carry).
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"lock" — thick causative, caused secured state (§45.4).
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"shut" — thick causative, caused closed state (§45.4).
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"spread" — thick causative, spray/load class (§9.7).
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"stretch" — thick causative, bend class (§45.2).
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"switch" — thick causative, CoS (§45.4).
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"devour" — transitive, no presupposition
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"read" — transitive, no presupposition
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"build" — creation verb, strictly incremental theme. Base transitive that productively takes DOC ("build us a house").
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"write" — creation verb, strictly incremental theme. Alternates DOC/PP. Implicit DO in both frames (indefinite). Uniquely allows implicit DO in both DOC and PP (@cite{bruening-2021}).
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"sweep" — motion + sustained contact, variable agentivity (default sense).
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"sweep" instrument sense — obligatorily agentive, broom lexicalized.
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"say" — communication verb, not factive
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"tell" — communication verb with recipient. Also ditransitive ("tell me a story"). Implicit second obj is definite (@cite{bruening-2021}: recoverable). Implicit goal (PP) is indefinite.
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"claim" — communication verb, speaker doesn't endorse
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The 20 clause-embedding predicates from @cite{degen-tonhauser-2021}. Predicates already defined above: know, discover, see, think, say, hear. "be annoyed" and "be right" are copular constructions, not simple verbs.
"reveal" — factive communication verb (@cite{degen-tonhauser-2022}: canonically factive)
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"acknowledge" — optionally factive communication verb
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"admit" — optionally factive communication verb
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"announce" — communication verb
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"confess" — optionally factive communication verb
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"inform" — optionally factive communication verb with recipient
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"suggest" — non-factive communication verb
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"pretend" — anti-veridical attitude verb
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"confirm" — evidential verb
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"demonstrate" — evidential verb
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"establish" — evidential verb
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"prove" — evidential verb
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Manner-of-speaking (MoS) verbs specify how something is said. @cite{storment-2026} shows these divide into two classes: - QI-permitting (unaccusative): whisper, murmur, mumble, mutter, shout, cry, scream, shriek, yell, groan, grumble, hiss, sigh, whimper, snap - Non-QI (unergative): speak, talk
"whisper" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"murmur" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"shout" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"cry" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"scream" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"mumble" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"mutter" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"shriek" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"yell" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"groan" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"grumble" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"hiss" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"sigh" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"whimper" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"snap" — MoS verb, permits quotative inversion (unaccusative)
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"speak" — agentive communication verb, blocks quotative inversion (unergative)
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"talk" — agentive communication verb, blocks quotative inversion (unergative)
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"wonder" — embeds questions only
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"ask" — embeds questions
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"investigate" — rogative, embeds interrogatives only
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"depend_on" — rogative, embeds interrogatives only (@cite{dayal-2025}: rogativeCP)
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"remember" in factive/question-embedding sense.
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"forget" in factive/question-embedding sense.
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Occasion verbs presuppose a prior occasioning eventuality and have experiencer (agent-evocator) subjects. They pattern with AgExp verbs for implicit causality bias.
"manage" has two entries: `manage` (`.default`, agentive subject — traditional
implicative analysis) and `manage_occasion` (`.occasion`, experiencer subject —
Solstad & Bott's agent-evocator analysis). This mirrors @cite{kim-2024}'s observation
that the same verb can project different effective argument structures
depending on the interpretive context.
"manage" occasion sense — agent-evocator subject.
Same implicative semantics as manage, but subject is experiencer
(sentience + independent existence, no entailed volition/causation).
The do-test passes pragmatically because the complement denotes a
volitional action, not because the matrix verb entails agentivity.
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"dare" — positive implicative with prerequisite presupposition: courage. "Ana dared to enter the cave" → "Ana entered the cave." Presupposes that daring/courageous action was required for complement realization (@cite{nadathur-2024} §5.2, ex. 3–4, 26).
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"bother" — positive implicative with prerequisite presupposition: engagement. "He bothered to answer" → "He answered." Presupposes that overcoming apathy/effort was required (@cite{nadathur-2024} §2, ex. 10, 28).
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"hesitate" — polarity-reversing one-way implicative. "Amira hesitated to drink a beer" ↛ "Amira did not drink a beer." "Amira did not hesitate to drink a beer" → "Amira drank a beer." The paper does not explicitly name the prerequisite for hesitate; it is treated as a polarity-reversing analog of dare (@cite{nadathur-2024} §6.4, ex. 45–47).
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"venture" — positive implicative (@cite{karttunen-1971} ex. 2): "John ventured to speak" entails "John spoke."
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"condescend" — positive implicative (@cite{karttunen-1971} ex. 2): "John condescended to help" entails "John helped."
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"happen" — raising verb, positive implicative (@cite{karttunen-1971} ex. 2): "John happened to see Mary" entails "John saw Mary." Raising: "It happened to rain" — no theta role for matrix subject.
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@cite{levin-1993} class 31.2 (admire). Subject = experiencer, object = stimulus. NP1 (subject) IC bias.
"enjoy" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"like" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"love" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"hate" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"admire" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"envy" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject). DOC-only ditransitive ("He envies me the car"). Implicit goal is definite (familiar). Implicit second obj is indefinite.
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"respect" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"value" — AgExp verb (experiencer-subject)
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"fear" (NP complement) — Class I psych verb (B&R temere).
"John fears snakes." Experiencer subject, stimulus object.
Note: fear (attitude verb, clausal complement) is defined separately.
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"dread" (NP complement) — Class I psych verb.
"John dreads exams." Note: dread (attitude, clausal) defined separately.
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@cite{levin-1993} class 31.1 (amuse). Subject = stimulus, object = experiencer. NP2 (object) IC bias.
"frighten" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"amuse" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"fascinate" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"irritate" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"annoy" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"bore" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"charm" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"impress" — StimExp verb (stimulus-subject, eventive: @cite{kim-2024} UPH)
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"concern" — stative Class II psych verb (@cite{kim-2024} UPH, internal cause)
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"interest" — stative Class II psych verb (@cite{kim-2024} UPH, internal cause)
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"surprise" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The news surprised John."
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"scare" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The noise scared John."
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"delight" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The gift delighted Mary."
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"embarrass" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The remark embarrassed John."
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"upset" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The news upset Mary."
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"disgust" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The smell disgusted John."
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"shock" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The revelation shocked everyone."
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"confuse" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The instructions confused John."
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"disappoint" — eventive Class II (Levin 31.1). "The result disappointed Mary."
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"worry" (eventive) — Class II, external cause. "The noise worried John."
Note: worry (attitude, clausal) defined separately.
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"worry" (stative) — Class II, internal cause. "The situation worries John." @cite{kim-2024} UPH: same theta grid as worry_eventive, different causal source.
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"please" — stative Class II (@cite{kim-2024} UPH, internal cause). "The idea pleases John." Related to B&R Class III It. piacere.
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"trouble" — stative Class II (@cite{kim-2024} UPH, internal cause). "The thought troubles John."
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"puzzle" — stative Class II (@cite{kim-2024} UPH, internal cause). "The problem puzzles John."
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Agent-patient verbs with full agentive subjects. NP1 IC bias (default). "kick" already defined above.
"chase" — AgPat verb (Levin 51.6)
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"hit" — AgPat verb (Levin 18.1)
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"push" — AgPat verb (Levin 12)
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"pull" — AgPat verb (Levin 12)
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"shove" — verb of exerting force (Levin 12, @cite{levin-2026} (31))
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"tug" — verb of exerting force (Levin 12, @cite{levin-2026} (31))
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"yank" — verb of exerting force (Levin 12, @cite{levin-2026} (31))
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"jerk" — verb of exerting force (Levin 12, @cite{levin-2026} (31))
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"wrench" — verb of exerting force (Levin 12, @cite{levin-2026} (31))
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"fling" — verb of exerting force / throwing (Levin 12/17, @cite{levin-2026} (31)). Irregular past.
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"slam" — verb of surface contact, hitting (Levin 18.1, @cite{levin-2026} (32a)). Irregular doubling.
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"punch" — verb of surface contact, hitting (Levin 18.1, @cite{levin-2026} (32a))
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"smack" — verb of surface contact, hitting (Levin 18.1, @cite{levin-2026} (32a))
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"thump" — verb of surface contact, hitting (Levin 18.1, @cite{levin-2026} (32a))
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"bang" — verb of surface contact, hitting (Levin 18.1, @cite{levin-2026} (32a))
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"thrash" — verb of surface contact, hitting (Levin 18.1, @cite{levin-2026} (32a))
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"scrape" — verb of surface contact, wiping (Levin 10.4, @cite{levin-2026} (32b)). In intr-push-open, enters through surface-contact sense, not removing sense.
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"carry" — AgPat verb (Levin 11.4)
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"drag" — AgPat verb (Levin 11.4/12)
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"call" — AgPat verb (communication + agent-patient frame)
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"place" — Levin 9.1 Put verbs. Instantaneous placement.
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"pour" — Levin 9.5 Pour verbs. Manner of caused motion.
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"spray" — Levin 9.7 Spray/Load verbs. Locative alternation.
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"load" — Levin 9.7 Spray/Load verbs. Locative alternation.
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"remove" — Levin 10.1 Remove verbs.
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"clean" — Levin 10.3 Clear verbs. Incremental by surface area. Also a degree achievement: closed scale (maximally clean).
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"steal" — Levin 10.5 Steal verbs.
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"send" — Levin 11.1 Send verbs. Alternates DOC/PP. Goal does not entail possession (prospective). Neither object implicit alone.
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"drive" — Levin 11.5 Drive verbs (vehicle-mediated motion).
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"donate" — Levin 13.2 Contribute verbs.
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"obtain" — Levin 13.5 Get verbs.
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"trade" — Levin 13.6 Exchange verbs.
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"learn" — Levin 14 Learn verbs.
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"hold" — Levin 15.1 Hold verbs. Stative.
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"hide" — Levin 16 Conceal verbs.
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"throw" — Levin 17.1 Throw verbs. Ballistic motion. Alternates DOC/PP. Implicit DO in PP frame only (definite).
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"poke" — Levin 19 Poke verbs. Punctual contact.
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"touch" — Levin 20 Touch verbs. Surface contact.
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"cut" — Levin 21.1 Cut verbs. Incremental by length of cut. @cite{majid-boster-bowerman-2008}: Dimension 1 high predictability — sharp instrument on yielding object → predictable locus of separation.
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"chop" — Levin 21.2 Carve verbs.
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"mix" — Levin 22.1 Mix verbs. Incremental by proportion combined.
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"separate" — Levin 23.1 Separate verbs.
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"paint" — Levin 24 Color verbs. Incremental by surface area.
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"draw" — Levin 25 Image Creation verbs. Incremental by extent.
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"create" — Levin 26.4 Create verbs.
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"grow" — Levin 26.2 Grow verbs. Incremental by size.
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"perform" — Levin 26.7 Performance verbs.
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"appoint" — Levin 29.1 Appoint verbs.
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"hear" — Levin 30.1 See verbs. Stative perception. Also embeds finite clauses (optionally factive per @cite{degen-tonhauser-2022}).
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"blame" — Levin 33 Judgment verbs.
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"evaluate" — Levin 34 Assessment verbs.
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"marry" — Levin 36 Social Interaction verbs.
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"bark" — Levin 38 Animal Sound verbs.
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"breathe" — Levin 40.1 Body Process verbs.
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"cough" — Levin 40.1 Body Process verbs.
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"flinch" — Levin 40.5 Flinch verbs. Involuntary reaction.
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"dress" — Levin 41.1 Dress verbs.
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"drown" — Levin 42.2 Poison verbs. Manner-of-killing.
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"glow" — Levin 43.1 Light Emission verbs.
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"buzz" — Levin 43.2 Sound Emission verbs.
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"bleed" — Levin 43.4 Substance Emission verbs.
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"bend" — Levin 45.2 Bend verbs. Causative/inchoative alternation. Degree achievement: closed scale (straight → bent, has maximal endpoint).
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"boil" — Levin 45.3 Cooking verbs. Causative/inchoative alternation. Degree achievement: closed scale (reaches boiling point).
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"rust" — Levin 45.5 Entity-Specific CoS verbs. Inchoative only. Degree achievement: open scale (no maximum rustedness).
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"increase" — Levin 45.6 Calibratable CoS verbs (degree achievements). Degree achievement: open scale (no maximum quantity).
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"straighten" — Closed-scale degree achievement (base adj: straight). Accomplishment: "straightened the wire in 10 seconds."
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"flatten" — Closed-scale degree achievement (base adj: flat). Accomplishment: "flattened the dough in 2 minutes."
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"open" — Closed-scale degree achievement (base adj: open, closed scale). Accomplishment: "opened the door in 3 seconds."
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"lengthen" — Open-scale degree achievement (base adj: long, open scale). Activity: "lengthened the rope for hours."
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"widen" — Open-scale degree achievement (base adj: wide, open scale). Activity: "widened the road for months."
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"cool" — Open-scale degree achievement (base adj: cool, open scale). Activity: "cooled for an hour."
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"warm" — Open-scale degree achievement (base adj: warm, open scale). Activity: "warmed for an hour."
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"exist" — Levin 47.1 Exist verbs. Pure state.
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"appear" — Levin 48.1 Appear verbs. Punctual emergence.
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"fidget" — Levin 49 Body-Internal Motion verbs.
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"sit" — Levin 50 Assume Position verbs. Stative.
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"stand" — Levin 50 Assume Position verbs. Stative.
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"walk" — Levin 51.3 Manner of Motion verbs.
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"swim" — Levin 51.3 Manner of Motion verbs.
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"fly" — Levin 51.4 Vehicle Motion verbs.
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"avoid" — Levin 52 Avoid verbs. Stative.
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"linger" — Levin 53.1 Linger verbs.
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"rush" — Levin 53.2 Rush verbs.
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"rain" — Levin 57 Weather verbs. Expletive subject.
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Ditransitive verbs classified by their implicit argument behavior, following @cite{bruening-2021} Table (56). The classification is theory-neutral: it records surface optionality and interpretation without committing to a specific structural analysis.
"charge" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def (addressee).
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"cost" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def.
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"fine" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def.
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"tip" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def (unique).
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"pay" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def.
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"strike" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def (familiar).
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"forgive" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj def, implicit goal def (addressee).
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"spare" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj def, no implicit goal.
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"deny" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def.
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"permit" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def (addressee).
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"assign" — DOC-only. Implicit second obj indef, implicit goal def.
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"begrudge" — DOC-only. Neither object implicit.
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"bet" — DOC-only. Neither object implicit.
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"serve" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit second obj indef (DOC). Implicit goal def (PP).
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"teach" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal indef (PP). When both implicit, both are indefinite.
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"feed" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit second obj indef (DOC). No implicit goal.
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"show" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit second obj def. No implicit goal.
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"award" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal def (PP).
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"forward" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal def (PP).
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"grant" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal def (PP).
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"offer" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal def (PP).
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"reserve" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit goal def (PP).
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"pass" — alternates DOC/PP. Implicit DO def in PP frame only.
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"hand" — alternates DOC/PP. Neither argument implicit.
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"lend" — alternates DOC/PP. Neither argument implicit.
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Get all verb entries as a list (for enumeration).
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Look up a verb entry by citation form.
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Convert a verb entry to a Word (from Core.Basic) in 3sg present form.
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Convert a verb entry to a Word in base/plural present form.
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Convert a verb entry to a Word in base/infinitive form.
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- v.toWordBase = { form := v.form, cat := UD.UPOS.VERB, features := { valence := some (Core.Verbs.complementToValence v.complementType), vform := some VForm.infinitive } }
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Convert a verb entry to a Word in past tense (active finite) form.
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Convert a verb entry to a Word in past participle form.
Retains original valence (for perfects: "has kicked the ball").
For passive constructions, compose with Word.asPassive:
v.toWordPastPart.asPassive.
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- v.toWordPastPart = { form := v.formPastPart, cat := UD.UPOS.VERB, features := { valence := some (Core.Verbs.complementToValence v.complementType), vform := some VForm.pastParticiple } }
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Convert a verb entry to a Word in present participle form.
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- v.toWordPresPart = { form := v.formPresPart, cat := UD.UPOS.VERB, features := { valence := some (Core.Verbs.complementToValence v.complementType), vform := some VForm.presParticiple } }
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These verify that the Fragment's causative annotations are consistent with
the formal semantics in NadathurLauer2020.
"make" uses sufficiency semantics.
"cause" uses necessity semantics.
"make" asserts sufficiency — derived from its builder.
"cause" asserts necessity — derived from its builder.
"make" does NOT assert necessity.
"cause" does NOT assert sufficiency.
"force" is coercive — derived from its builder.
"let" is permissive — derived from its builder.
"prevent" uses blocking semantics (preventSem).
"prevent" asserts neither sufficiency nor necessity —
it uses the dual preventSem (blocking).
"prevent" is an EN trigger — it entails ¬p in w₀ (complement falsity), satisfying the FORGET class licensing condition (@cite{jin-koenig-2021}, §6.1.4).
make, force, and let have different builders despite shared truth conditions.
Lexical causative theorems #
All lexical causatives use the .make builder.
Lexical causatives all assert sufficiency — like periphrastic "make".
Lexical causatives share truth conditions with periphrastic "make".
Lexical causatives differ from periphrastic "cause" in truth conditions.
"manage" uses positive implicative semantics (manageSem).
"fail" uses negative implicative semantics (failSem).
"manage" entails the complement — derived from its builder.
"fail" entails NOT the complement — derived from its builder.
"remember" entails the complement — derived from its builder.
"forget" entails NOT the complement — derived from its builder.
Convert a VerbEntry to a morphological Stem.
All verb inflection is semantically vacuous at the word level:
tense/aspect semantics is compositional, handled by
Semantics.Intensional. The isVacuous := true flags make
this explicit.
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