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Linglib.Core.Lexical.DiathesisAlternation

Diathesis Alternation Types and Prediction #

@cite{levin-1993}

Alternation types (§ 1) #

Twenty-five curated diathesis alternation types from @cite{levin-1993} Part One, covering the diagnostically active alternations that discriminate verb classes. Organized into six AlternationFamily groups matching Part One's chapters.

Alternation families (§ 1a) #

AlternationFamily classifies alternations by the chapter of @cite{levin-1993} Part One where they are primarily discussed:

Prediction (§ 2) #

MeaningComponents.predictedAlternation derives alternation participation from meaning components. LevinClass.participatesIn combines component-derived predictions with class-specific overrides.

Diagnostic theorems (§ 3) #

Per-class alternation profiles and cross-class predictions, verifiable by rfl.

Classification of diathesis alternations by the chapter of @cite{levin-1993} Part One where they are primarily discussed.

This provides organizational grouping for the curated enum — the ~25 diagnostically active alternations. The remaining ~50 narrow alternations from Part One are documented as data/prose, not as enum constructors.

  • transitivity : AlternationFamily

    Ch 1: Transitivity alternations — changes in the number of arguments (causative/inchoative, induced action, middle, conative, object drop).

  • vpInternal : AlternationFamily

    Ch 2: Alternations involving arguments within the VP — rearrangement of internal arguments (dative, benefactive, locative, swarm, etc.).

  • obliqueSubject : AlternationFamily

    Ch 3: Oblique subject alternations — non-agent subjects (instrument subject).

  • passive : AlternationFamily

    Ch 5: Passive — verbal and prepositional passives.

  • postverbalSubject : AlternationFamily

    Ch 6: Alternations involving postverbal subjects — there-insertion, locative inversion (unaccusative diagnostics).

  • otherConstructions : AlternationFamily

    Ch 7: Other constructions — way construction, cognate object, resultative, directional phrase.

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      Curated diathesis alternations from @cite{levin-1993} Part One that serve as diagnostics for verb class membership. Twenty-five alternation types covering the diagnostically active subset of ~79 alternations in Part One.

      The first four are the canonical diagnostics from the Introduction (pp. 5–10); others are from specific chapters. Each is classified by AlternationFamily.

      • causativeInchoative : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.1.2.1: she broke the vase / the vase broke. Diagnoses causation + CoS.

      • inducedAction : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.1.2.2: Bill ran the horse. Causative use of intransitive manner-of-motion verbs.

      • middle : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.1.1: the bread cuts easily. Diagnoses change of state.

      • conative : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.3: I cut at the bread. Diagnoses contact + motion.

      • substanceSource : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.1.3: heat radiates from the sun / the sun radiates heat. Substance emission verbs.

      • unspecifiedObject : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.2.1: Mike ate the cake / Mike ate. Activity verbs (eat, read, cook, ...). The intransitive has an unexpressed but understood indefinite object.

      • understoodBodyPartObject : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.2.2: Bill waved his hand / Bill waved. Body-part verbs where the object names the moved body part.

      • understoodReflexiveObject : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.2.3: Bill washed himself / Bill washed. Grooming/body-care verbs where the reflexive object can be dropped.

      • understoodReciprocalObject : DiathesisAlternation

        §1.2.4: Anne met Cathy / Anne and Cathy met. Social interaction verbs. Intransitive paraphrasable as transitive with each other.

      • dative : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.1: give NP NP / give NP to NP. Give/send class.

      • benefactive : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.2: Martha carved a toy for the baby / Martha carved the baby a toy. Verbs of obtaining and creation.

      • locative : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.3: spray paint on wall / spray wall with paint. Spray/load class.

      • bodyPartPossessorAscension : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.12: I hit him on the arm / I hit his arm. Diagnoses contact.

      • swarm : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.3.4: Bees swarmed in the garden / The garden swarmed with bees. Intransitive locative alternation for verbs of spatial configuration.

      • materialProduct : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.4.1: Martha carved a toy out of wood / Martha carved the wood into a toy. Build/creation verbs.

      • totalTransformation : DiathesisAlternation

        §2.4.3: the witch turned the prince into a frog. Complete change of entity type. Turn/convert verbs.

      • instrumentSubject : DiathesisAlternation

        §3.3: David broke the window with a hammer / the hammer broke the window. Intermediary instruments can become subjects with externally caused verbs.

      • verbalPassive : DiathesisAlternation

        §5.1: the window was broken (by the boy). Fundamental voice alternation for transitive verbs.

      • prepositionalPassive : DiathesisAlternation

        §5.2: the bed was slept in. Passive of intransitive + PP, diagnostic for unergative verbs.

      • thereInsertion : DiathesisAlternation

        §6.1: a problem developed / there developed a problem. Unaccusative diagnostic: existence/appearance verbs.

      • locativeInversion : DiathesisAlternation

        §6.2: an old woman lives in the woods / in the woods lives an old woman. Unaccusative diagnostic: existence/spatial configuration verbs.

      • cognateObject : DiathesisAlternation

        §7.1: she laughed a bitter laugh. Unergative diagnostic: agentive intransitives can take cognate objects.

      • wayConstruction : DiathesisAlternation

        §7.4: she elbowed her way through the crowd. Manner-of-motion and body-motion verbs.

      • resultative : DiathesisAlternation

        §7.5: hammer the metal flat. Available to manner verbs.

      • directionalPhrase : DiathesisAlternation

        §7.8: she ran to the store. Manner-of-motion verbs with directional PPs (Talmy's satellite-framing).

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          Which family of @cite{levin-1993} Part One each alternation belongs to. Classifies the 25 curated alternations into 6 families matching the chapter structure of Part One.

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            Predicted alternation participation derived from meaning components.

            The core claim of @cite{levin-1993}: meaning components — diagnosed by alternation participation — form the bridge between verb semantics and verb syntax. Each diagnostic alternation corresponds to a specific configuration of meaning components:

            AlternationRequired components
            Causative/inchoativechangeOfState ∧ causation ∧ ¬instrumentSpec
            MiddlechangeOfState
            Conativecontact ∧ motion
            Body-part possessor ascensioncontact
            Instrument subjectcausation ∧ ¬instrumentSpec
            ResultativechangeOfState ∧ ¬instrumentSpec (manner verbs)

            The remaining alternations are class-specific rather than component-derived.

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              Full alternation profile for a Levin class, combining component-derived predictions with class-specific overrides.

              Component-derived: causativeInchoative, middle, conative, bodyPartPossessorAscension, instrumentSubject, resultative.

              Class-specific overrides below, verified against @cite{levin-1993} Part I verb lists and Part II class descriptions.

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                Canonical diagnostic theorems #

                The four verbs break, cut, hit, touch are distinguished by exactly their pattern of alternation participation (@cite{levin-1993}:5–10).

                Cut participates in middle, conative, and BPPA but NOT causative/inchoative. Instrument specification blocks the inchoative: "*The string cut." (Levin p. 9, ex. 23b). Because cut inherently specifies an instrument, it requires an agent (p. 10).

                Instrument specification blocks the causative/inchoative alternation for any verb, regardless of other meaning components. Because the instrument must be wielded by an agent, the agentless inchoative variant is unavailable.

                Corollary: instrument specification also blocks the resultative (same reasoning — manner verbs that specify an instrument cannot appear in the resultative construction).

                Cross-class predictions #

                Spray/load participates in the locative alternation.

                Give class participates in the dative alternation.

                Touch verbs lack motion → no conative despite having contact.

                The causative/inchoative alternation implies the existence of an unaccusative variant: if a class participates in causative/inchoative, it predicts unaccusativity for the inchoative alternant.

                Family classification theorems #

                New alternation predictions #

                Substance emission verbs participate in the substance/source alternation.

                Eat verbs participate in the unspecified object alternation. Devour verbs do NOT — they require an expressed object.

                Social interaction verbs show the understood reciprocal object alternation.

                Instrument specification blocks both causative/inchoative and instrument subject alternations (same mechanism: instrument must be wielded by agent).

                New alternation type predictions #

                Manner-of-motion verbs participate in the induced action alternation (§1.1.2.2: Bill ran the horse).

                Grooming verbs (§41) participate in the understood reflexive object alternation (§1.2.3: Bill washed himself / Bill washed).

                Body process verbs participate in the understood body-part object alternation (§1.2.2: Bill waved his hand / Bill waved).

                Turn/convert verbs participate in the total transformation alternation (§2.4.3: the witch turned the prince into a frog).

                Manner-of-motion verbs participate in the way construction (§7.4: she elbowed her way through the crowd).

                Manner-of-motion verbs participate in the directional phrase alternation (§7.8: she ran to the store).

                Unergative diagnostics: manner-of-motion verbs participate in cognate object (§7.1: she laughed a bitter laugh) and prepositional passive (§5.2), both unergative diagnostics.

                Verbal passive coverage #

                Measure verbs (§54) do NOT participate in verbal passive. This box weighs five pounds?Five pounds are weighed by this box. Stative relations between a measurer and a measure resist passivization.

                Weather verbs (§57) do NOT participate in verbal passive (no object to promote).

                Prepositional passive and swarm coverage #

                Prepositional passive aligns with unergativity: classes predicted unergative (manner-of-motion, body process) participate, while classes predicted unaccusative (exist, appear) generally don't. Note: exist verbs are exceptional — the house was lived in participates despite predict-unaccusative status.

                The swarm alternation applies to existence and manner-of-motion verbs (§2.3.4: bees swarmed in the garden / the garden swarmed with bees).