Unaccusativity Diagnostic Data #
@cite{burzio-1986} @cite{levin-hovav-1995} @cite{storment-2026}
Theory-neutral empirical data on unaccusativity diagnostics.
Diagnostics #
- Quotative inversion (QI): "whispered Mary" vs *"spoke Mary" (@cite{storment-2026}, NLLT)
- There-insertion: "there arrived a letter" vs *"there ran a man"
- Locative inversion: "into the room walked a man"
- Resultative predication: "the river froze solid" vs *"John ran tired"
- Auxiliary selection: Italian è arrivato (be) vs ha dormito (have)
Syntactic diagnostics for unaccusativity.
- quotativeInversion : Diagnostic
- thereInsertion : Diagnostic
- locativeInversion : Diagnostic
- resultativePredication : Diagnostic
- auxiliarySelection : Diagnostic
- passiveType : Diagnostic
- whAdjunctBlocking : Diagnostic
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Result of applying a diagnostic to a verb.
- passes : DiagnosticResult
- fails : DiagnosticResult
- marginal : DiagnosticResult
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A single diagnostic judgment.
- verbForm : String
- diagnostic : Diagnostic
- result : DiagnosticResult
- sentence : String
- language : String
- note : String
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Unaccusativity.Data.instBEqDiagnosticDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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say passes QI (@cite{storment-2026}, ex. 9). Its VerbEntry captures the
transitive indirect-speech frame ("John said that...") rather than the
QI frame, so it is not connected to the smuggling bridge.
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MoS verb with quote complement + PP goal still permits QI. @cite{storment-2026}: QI is blocked only when multiple DP arguments compete for Case licensing. A PP goal does not need Case.
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QI with heavy subject (proper name): no degradation.
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Pronominal subjects degrade QI (@cite{storment-2026}, §3: pronouns resist postverbal position in QI, unlike full DPs).
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QI blocked with multiple DP arguments: the transitivity constraint (@cite{storment-2026}, §5, ex. 125). T⁰ can license only one DP (the theme); a second DP argument has no Case licenser.
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Quotative inversion and locative inversion share the same mechanism (smuggling of VP to Spec-VoiceP, @cite{storment-2026} §6) but differ in their inputs and distribution:
1. **Fronted constituent**: QI requires a quote; LI requires a locative PP
2. **Transitivity constraint**: both QI and LI are blocked with multiple
DP arguments, due to Case licensing
3. **Pronominal subjects**: QI degrades with pronouns (§3); LI blocks them
4. **Verb class**: QI targets MoS verbs; LI applies more broadly
LI with transitive verb is ungrammatical. The transitivity constraint (Case licensing) applies to both QI and LI.
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LI with pronominal subject is strongly ungrammatical.
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Setswana quotative inversion data from @cite{collins-1997}, discussed
extensively in @cite{storment-2026}. Setswana QI uses class 17
default subject agreement (SM17 go), never tracking the agent.
Setswana QI with 'botsa' (ask). @cite{collins-1997}, cited as Storment ex. (4).
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Setswana QI with 'bua' (say) + depictive. Storment ex. (11).
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Setswana QI blocked with two DP arguments (transitivity constraint). Storment ex. (5).
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Structural evidence for the VP-smuggling analysis of QI (§3). These data test the positions of Theme, Agent, VP, and Quote predicted by the smuggling derivation (§4):
- **Theme** → Spec-TP (controls agreement, licenses raising)
- **Agent** → Spec-vP (in-situ, conjoint form, doesn't control agreement)
- **VP** → Spec-VoiceP (VP-internal material precedes Agent)
- **Quote** → DiscourseP (clause-external, can split, need not be grammatical)
Type of structural evidence for QI clause structure.
- agreement : QIStructuralTest
- parasiticGap : QIStructuralTest
- subjectRaising : QIStructuralTest
- conjointDisjoint : QIStructuralTest
- quoteCategory : QIStructuralTest
- constituentOrdering : QIStructuralTest
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A structural evidence datum for QI clause structure.
- test : QIStructuralTest
- result : DiagnosticResult
- sentence : String
- language : String
- note : String
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Unaccusativity.Data.instBEqQIStructuralDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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English QI: verb agrees with postverbal agent, not with quote. Storment ex. (40).
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Setswana QI: SM surfaces as default SM17 (go), not agent's class. Storment exs. (77)–(80): go replaces ke (1sg), o (2sg), di (cl.10).
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QI blocks parasitic gap licensing: Theme undergoes A-movement, not Ā-movement, so it cannot license a parasitic gap. Storment ex. (62a).
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Non-QI preposed quote DOES license a parasitic gap: quote undergoes Ā-movement (topicalization), which licenses PGs. Storment ex. (62b).
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QI is compatible with subject-to-subject raising: quotative Theme can A-move through embedded Spec-TP to matrix Spec-TP. Storment ex. (67a).
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Setswana: disjoint morpheme 'a' blocked in QI — Agent remains vP-internal (conjoint position). Storment ex. (87).
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Quote can split around verb + agent: evidence for clause-external position (DiscourseP). Storment ex. (90).
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Quote need not be grammatical: further evidence for clause-external status. Storment ex. (96a).
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Setswana: depictive follows Agent — depictives are vP-external adjuncts, so they stay behind when VP smuggles. Storment ex. (11).
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Setswana: manner adverb follows Agent — manner adverbs are vP-external, so they stay behind. Storment ex. (21).
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Setswana: purpose clause follows Agent — purpose clauses are vP-external adjuncts. Storment ex. (17).
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Setswana: restructuring complement precedes Agent — VP-internal material moves with VP via smuggling. Storment ex. (27).
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All QI structural evidence data points.
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Japanese distinguishes direct and indirect passives. Direct passives (allowing -niyotte agent) require thematic Voice; indirect passives (-rare- adversative) are available for all verbs including unaccusatives. If a verb allows only the indirect passive, it is unaccusative.
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Nani-o 'what-ACC' can mean 'why' with unergatives and transitives (@cite{kurafuji-1997}), but not with unaccusatives. If a verb blocks the 'why' reading of nani-o, it is unaccusative.
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All diagnostic data points.
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QI data only.
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Locative inversion data only.
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