Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Unaccusativity.Data

Unaccusativity Diagnostic Data #

@cite{burzio-1986} @cite{levin-hovav-1995} @cite{storment-2026}

Theory-neutral empirical data on unaccusativity diagnostics.

Diagnostics #

Syntactic diagnostics for unaccusativity.

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      Result of applying a diagnostic to a verb.

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          A single diagnostic judgment.

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                                                say passes QI (@cite{storment-2026}, ex. 9). Its VerbEntry captures the transitive indirect-speech frame ("John said that...") rather than the QI frame, so it is not connected to the smuggling bridge.

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                                                  MoS verb with quote complement + PP goal still permits QI. @cite{storment-2026}: QI is blocked only when multiple DP arguments compete for Case licensing. A PP goal does not need Case.

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                                                    QI with heavy subject (proper name): no degradation.

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                                                      Pronominal subjects degrade QI (@cite{storment-2026}, §3: pronouns resist postverbal position in QI, unlike full DPs).

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                                                        QI blocked with multiple DP arguments: the transitivity constraint (@cite{storment-2026}, §5, ex. 125). T⁰ can license only one DP (the theme); a second DP argument has no Case licenser.

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                                                          Quotative inversion and locative inversion share the same mechanism (smuggling of VP to Spec-VoiceP, @cite{storment-2026} §6) but differ in their inputs and distribution:

                                                          1. **Fronted constituent**: QI requires a quote; LI requires a locative PP
                                                          2. **Transitivity constraint**: both QI and LI are blocked with multiple
                                                             DP arguments, due to Case licensing
                                                          3. **Pronominal subjects**: QI degrades with pronouns (§3); LI blocks them
                                                          4. **Verb class**: QI targets MoS verbs; LI applies more broadly 
                                                          

                                                          LI with transitive verb is ungrammatical. The transitivity constraint (Case licensing) applies to both QI and LI.

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                                                            LI with pronominal subject is strongly ungrammatical.

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                                                              Setswana quotative inversion data from @cite{collins-1997}, discussed extensively in @cite{storment-2026}. Setswana QI uses class 17 default subject agreement (SM17 go), never tracking the agent.

                                                              Setswana QI with 'botsa' (ask). @cite{collins-1997}, cited as Storment ex. (4).

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                                                                Setswana QI with 'bua' (say) + depictive. Storment ex. (11).

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                                                                  Setswana QI blocked with two DP arguments (transitivity constraint). Storment ex. (5).

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                                                                    Structural evidence for the VP-smuggling analysis of QI (§3). These data test the positions of Theme, Agent, VP, and Quote predicted by the smuggling derivation (§4):

                                                                    - **Theme** → Spec-TP (controls agreement, licenses raising)
                                                                    - **Agent** → Spec-vP (in-situ, conjoint form, doesn't control agreement)
                                                                    - **VP** → Spec-VoiceP (VP-internal material precedes Agent)
                                                                    - **Quote** → DiscourseP (clause-external, can split, need not be grammatical) 
                                                                    

                                                                    Type of structural evidence for QI clause structure.

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                                                                        A structural evidence datum for QI clause structure.

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                                                                            English QI: verb agrees with postverbal agent, not with quote. Storment ex. (40).

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                                                                              Setswana QI: SM surfaces as default SM17 (go), not agent's class. Storment exs. (77)–(80): go replaces ke (1sg), o (2sg), di (cl.10).

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                                                                                QI blocks parasitic gap licensing: Theme undergoes A-movement, not Ā-movement, so it cannot license a parasitic gap. Storment ex. (62a).

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                                                                                  Non-QI preposed quote DOES license a parasitic gap: quote undergoes Ā-movement (topicalization), which licenses PGs. Storment ex. (62b).

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                                                                                    QI is compatible with subject-to-subject raising: quotative Theme can A-move through embedded Spec-TP to matrix Spec-TP. Storment ex. (67a).

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                                                                                      Setswana: disjoint morpheme 'a' blocked in QI — Agent remains vP-internal (conjoint position). Storment ex. (87).

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                                                                                        Quote can split around verb + agent: evidence for clause-external position (DiscourseP). Storment ex. (90).

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                                                                                          Quote need not be grammatical: further evidence for clause-external status. Storment ex. (96a).

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                                                                                            Setswana: depictive follows Agent — depictives are vP-external adjuncts, so they stay behind when VP smuggles. Storment ex. (11).

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                                                                                              Setswana: manner adverb follows Agent — manner adverbs are vP-external, so they stay behind. Storment ex. (21).

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                                                                                                Setswana: purpose clause follows Agent — purpose clauses are vP-external adjuncts. Storment ex. (17).

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                                                                                                  Setswana: restructuring complement precedes Agent — VP-internal material moves with VP via smuggling. Storment ex. (27).

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                                                                                                    All QI structural evidence data points.

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                                                                                                                Japanese distinguishes direct and indirect passives. Direct passives (allowing -niyotte agent) require thematic Voice; indirect passives (-rare- adversative) are available for all verbs including unaccusatives. If a verb allows only the indirect passive, it is unaccusative.

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                                                                                                                    Nani-o 'what-ACC' can mean 'why' with unergatives and transitives (@cite{kurafuji-1997}), but not with unaccusatives. If a verb blocks the 'why' reading of nani-o, it is unaccusative.

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                                                                                                                        All diagnostic data points.

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                                                                                                                          QI data only.

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                                                                                                                            Locative inversion data only.

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