Resultatives as Concealed Causatives #
@cite{baglini-bar-asher-siegal-2025} @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} @cite{levin-2019} @cite{martin-rose-nichols-2025} @cite{nadathur-lauer-2020}
Connects the resultative construction to the causative semantics infrastructure:
- Causal Dynamics: causative resultatives modeled as concrete
CausalDynamicswith structural sufficiency proofs and CC-selection constraints (Baglini & Bar-Asher @cite{baglini-bar-asher-siegal-2025}) - Tightness via Causal Necessity: @cite{levin-2019} concealed causative
constraint — intervening causers with independent energy sources
disrupt necessity under counterfactual intervention, formalized
through
completesForEffect(not graph-structural checks) - Thick/Thin Convergence: three independent paths (@cite{martin-rose-nichols-2025},
@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, @cite{embick-2009}) converge on
.make/makeSem - Aspect: resultative telicizes activity verbs via bounded RP
- ChangeOfState: constructional BECOME maps to CoSType.inception
- Müller decomposability: all subconstructions decompose into universal schemata
Causal Dynamics (@cite{nadathur-lauer-2020}; Baglini & Bar-Asher @cite{baglini-bar-asher-siegal-2025}) #
The constructional CAUSE in causative resultatives maps to @cite{nadathur-lauer-2020} causal sufficiency: the verbal subevent is sufficient for the
constructional result. We build concrete CausalDynamics and prove
structural sufficiency/necessity results.
CC-selection (Baglini & Bar-Asher @cite{baglini-bar-asher-siegal-2025}) #
The resultative construction performs CC-selection: it constrains which condition from a causal model can fill the cause role. Causative resultatives select via completion of a sufficient set: the verbal subevent must be the final condition that makes the result inevitable. Combined with the temporal constraint (G&J Principle 33), this gives the BBS2025 completion event analysis.
Causal models for causative resultatives #
Each causative resultative maps to a concrete CausalDynamics where the
verbal subevent variable causally determines the result variable.
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"She hammered the metal flat": hammering → flat.
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"She kicked the ball into the field": kicking → in_field.
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"She laughed herself silly" (fake reflexive): laughing → silly.
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Sufficiency proofs (@cite{nadathur-lauer-2020} Def 23) #
Hammering is causally sufficient for flatness.
Kicking is causally sufficient for being in the field.
Laughing is causally sufficient for becoming silly (fake reflexive).
Necessity proofs #
Single-pathway resultatives: verbal subevent is both sufficient and necessary.
Hammering is causally necessary for flatness. Under @cite{nadathur-2024} Def 10b, the background must NOT include the cause (precondition rejects it).
Both makeSem and causeSem hold for "hammer flat"
(no overdetermination).
Noncausative resultatives = empty dynamics #
"The river froze solid": RESULT relation, no CAUSE.
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Noncausative resultatives have empty causal dynamics.
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In the empty model, freezing is NOT sufficient for solidity.
Causative → non-empty dynamics; noncausative → empty.
Agreement with Boolean flags #
Causative entries have CAUSE; noncausative entries do not.
All causative entries in the data have CAUSE (verified empirically).
MEANS-relation causative entries all have CAUSE.
CC-selection (Baglini & Bar-Asher @cite{baglini-bar-asher-siegal-2025}) #
Different causative constructions constrain which condition from a causal model can be selected as "the cause." BBS2025 call this CC-selection.
- Overt "cause" (BBS2025, Formula 11): the subject must be an INUS member of a sufficient set — any contributing condition qualifies
- CoS/lexical causatives (BBS2025, Formula 14): the subject must be the completion event — the last condition to be realized, whose occurrence makes the result inevitable
- Resultatives pattern with CoS: the verbal subevent completes the sufficient set for the constructional result
How a causative construction selects its cause (BBS2025).
- memberOfSufficientSet : CCSelectionMode
Overt "cause": subject is any member of a sufficient set (BBS2025 §4.1)
- completionOfSufficientSet : CCSelectionMode
CoS/resultative: subject completes a sufficient set (BBS2025 §4.2)
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- Causative.Resultatives.instBEqCCSelectionMode.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Resultatives select via completion (like CoS verbs).
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BBS2025 completion event: sufficient + but-for necessary in context. Uses simple counterfactual but-for rather than @cite{nadathur-2024} Def 10b's supersituation necessity: the cause must be needed in the CURRENT background, not resilient against all possible supersituations. This is the right granularity for completion events — intermediate variables in causal chains are passive (no independent source), so simple but-for captures tightness correctly.
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Hammering completes the sufficient set for flatness.
Kicking completes the sufficient set for in-field.
Temporal constraint as completion event (G&J Principle 33) #
Causal completion + temporal ordering.
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Hammering is a completion event for flatness (verbal precedes result).
Hammering is a completion event when simultaneous with result.
Result preceding verbal subevent violates temporal constraint.
CausativeBuilder bridge #
The resultative construction uses .make (sufficiency).
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Resultative causation uses the .make builder.
Resultative CAUSE matches the Fragment entry for "make".
Resultative CAUSE ≠ "cause" verb (.make ≠ .cause).
.prevent is incompatible with resultatives.
@cite{levin-2019}'s Tightness via Causal Necessity #
Resultatives require tightness: no intervening causer with its own energy
source. Tightness ≡ completesForEffect (sufficiency + necessity). The
necessity component does the explanatory work: causallyNecessary runs
normalDevelopment with cause=false. An intermediate with an independent
energy source still fires without the cause, so necessity fails.
| Example | Chain | Indep. source? | completesForEffect |
|---|---|---|---|
| "hammer metal flat" | direct | — | true |
| "drink teapot dry" | passive chain | No | true |
| "kick door open" (direct) | direct | — | true |
| *"kick door open" (via ball) | active chain | Yes | false |
hasDirectLaw (graph inspection) is insufficient: it rejects
"drink teapot dry" (passive chain, no direct law, but tight).
"Drink the teapot dry": passive chain (Levin §4). drinking → tea_removal → teapot_dry. Tea removal has no independent energy source.
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*"Kick the door open" via ball (UNAVAILABLE, Levin §7). kick → ball_motion → door_open, plus ball_energy → ball_motion. The ball has an independent energy source.
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Background: ball has its own energy.
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"Kick the door open" (direct, available reading). kick → door_open.
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Tightness = completesForEffect #
Each theorem runs normalDevelopment under counterfactual intervention
(cause=true for sufficiency, cause=false for necessity).
Tight despite being a chain: removing drinking leaves tea_removal undetermined (no independent source), so teapot_dry doesn't fire.
NOT tight: removing kicking still allows ball_energy → ball_motion → door_open. The kick is not necessary.
hasDirectLaw (graph inspection) incorrectly rejects the passive
chain "drink teapot dry" — no direct law, but tight.
Intervening causer = independent source #
Ball has an independent source (ball_energy law).
Tea removal has no independent source.
For a chain a → b → c, an active independent source for b disrupts
completesForEffect for a → c. The independent source fires b
even with a=false, so a is not necessary.
Concrete witness: passive chain tight, active chain not tight.
Contiguity (Levin §4) #
Nonselected-NP resultatives require contiguity between verb's object
and affected entity. All types involve passive intermediates (no
independent source), so completesForEffect holds.
Spatial contiguity preserving tightness in nonselected NP resultatives.
- containerContents : ContiguityType
- contentsContainer : ContiguityType
- impingement : ContiguityType
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- Causative.Resultatives.instBEqContiguityType.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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All contiguity types involve passive intermediates (no independent energy source), so necessity propagates through the chain.
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Three-Way Convergence: Thick ↔ P-CAUSE ↔ Resultative #
Three independently-defined modules converge on the same prediction:
- ProductionDependence.lean: Thick manner → P-CAUSE →
.makebuilder - Resultatives.lean: Resultative CAUSE →
.makebuilder - ThickThin.lean: Thick manner → ASR-compatible (empirical data)
This convergence is non-trivial: each path was formalized independently following different papers (@cite{martin-rose-nichols-2025}, @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, @cite{embick-2009}). The fact that they agree validates the cross-module architecture.
Three independent paths converge on .make.
Thin → .cause ≠ resultative .make (*kill open).
Aspect: activity + bounded RP → accomplishment #
Bounded RP telicizes activity (reuses telicize_activity).
The resultative construction's aspect shift: for any activity verb with a bounded RP, the result is an accomplishment.
The resultative-derived aspect matches the general telicize operation when starting from an activity.
Activity verbs in the data that get bounded RPs become accomplishments.
ChangeOfState: BECOME = inception (¬P → P) #
Constructional BECOME = CoS inception.
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All resultative entries have BECOME.
Inception presupposes ¬P before.
Inception asserts P after.
Müller Decomposability #
All four resultative subconstructions are fully abstract and therefore decomposable into Müller's universal schemata.
Causative subconstructions → [HS, HC, HC] (same as parent resultative) Noncausative subconstructions → [HS, HC] (intransitive, fewer complements)
All four subconstructions are fully compositional.
Causative subconstructions decompose like the parent resultative into three combination steps.
Noncausative subconstructions decompose into two combination steps (one fewer than the causative, reflecting their intransitivity).
The causative/noncausative split is reflected in decomposition length: causative = 3 steps, noncausative = 2 steps.
Cross-linguistic Resultative Parameters (@cite{tay-2024}) #
Resultative constructions vary cross-linguistically along dimensions orthogonal to the G&J subconstruction typology. @cite{tay-2024} identifies three: realization (how the result predicate is morphosyntactically encoded), orientation (whether DOR holds), and phase grammaticalization.
How the result predicate is morphosyntactically realized.
- syntacticAdjunct : ResultativeRealization
English: result AP/PP is a syntactic adjunct
- verbCompound : ResultativeRealization
Mandarin V-V: V2 morphologically incorporated into V1
- deComplement : ResultativeRealization
Mandarin V-de: result clause introduced by particle de
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Whether the result predicate targets the subject or object. English enforces DOR (Direct Object Restriction): the result must predicate of the direct object. Mandarin allows subject-oriented resultatives productively (kū-lèi "cry-tired").
- objectOriented : ResultOrientation
- subjectOriented : ResultOrientation
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- Causative.Resultatives.instBEqResultOrientation.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Phase complements: a grammaticalized closed-class subset of Mandarin
V2 resultatives with fixed change-of-state semantics.
Maps to CoSType from ChangeOfState.Theory.
- dao : PhaseComplement
- wan : PhaseComplement
- hao : PhaseComplement
- diao : PhaseComplement
- zhu : PhaseComplement
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- Causative.Resultatives.instBEqPhaseComplement.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Phase complements have fixed CoS semantics, bridging Mandarin morphology
to the cross-linguistic CoSType infrastructure in ChangeOfState.Theory.
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- Causative.Resultatives.PhaseComplement.dao.cosType = Semantics.Lexical.Verb.ChangeOfState.CoSType.inception
- Causative.Resultatives.PhaseComplement.wan.cosType = Semantics.Lexical.Verb.ChangeOfState.CoSType.cessation
- Causative.Resultatives.PhaseComplement.hao.cosType = Semantics.Lexical.Verb.ChangeOfState.CoSType.inception
- Causative.Resultatives.PhaseComplement.diao.cosType = Semantics.Lexical.Verb.ChangeOfState.CoSType.inception
- Causative.Resultatives.PhaseComplement.zhu.cosType = Semantics.Lexical.Verb.ChangeOfState.CoSType.continuation
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Phase complements cover all three CoS types (inception, cessation, continuation).