Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Syntax.ConstructionGrammar.ArgumentStructure

Argument Structure Constructions #

@cite{goldberg-1995} @cite{goldberg-shirtz-2025}

CxG's argument structure constructions and their decomposition into Müller's three universal schemata.

@cite{mueller-2013} argues "both directions right": the three universal schemata capture fully abstract constructions (ditransitive, caused-motion, resultative), but partially open and lexically specified constructions are irreducible phrasal patterns that only CxG can capture.

Key claims #

  1. Fully abstract constructions decompose into sequences of Head-Complement and Head-Specifier steps
  2. Partially open constructions (PAL, let alone, WXDY) are irreducible — they cannot be decomposed into the three schemata
  3. This is CxG's unique contribution: phrasal constructions beyond the schemata

Construction slots and argument frames #

A slot in an argument structure construction.

Each slot specifies a syntactic category and a semantic role for one participant in the construction's event structure.

  • cat : UD.UPOS

    Syntactic category of this slot (NP, V, PP, etc.)

  • role : String

    Semantic role label

  • isHead : Bool

    Whether this slot is the head of the construction

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        An argument structure construction with explicit slot structure.

        This extends the basic Construction with a decomposed argument frame, enabling formal analysis of how the construction relates to the three universal combination schemata.

        The semanticContribution field captures which meaning components (@cite{levin-1993}) the construction adds independently of the verb (@cite{goldberg-1995}). When a verb fuses with a construction, the composed meaning = verb.meaningComponents.fuse cxn.semanticContribution. This is how constructions can license alternation behavior that verbs lack in isolation — e.g., the resultative adds CoS + causation, enabling the causative alternation for manner verbs (@cite{levin-2026}).

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            Concrete argument structure constructions #

            Ditransitive construction: [Subj V Obj1 Obj2]. "X CAUSES Y to RECEIVE Z" (e.g., "She gave him a book").

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              Caused-motion construction: [Subj V Obj Obl]. "X CAUSES Y to MOVE to Z" (e.g., "She sneezed the napkin off the table"). Contributes motion + causation: verbs that lexicalize neither (like sneeze) acquire both from the construction (@cite{goldberg-1995} p. 152–179).

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                Resultative construction: [Subj V Obj Pred]. "X CAUSES Y to BECOME Z" (e.g., "She hammered the metal flat"). Contributes CoS + causation: manner verbs that lexicalize neither acquire both from the construction (@cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-1998}; @cite{levin-2026} §3). This is what enables the causative alternation for verbs like push that lack it in isolation.

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                  Intransitive motion construction: [Subj V Obl]. "X MOVES to Y" (e.g., "The ball rolled down the hill").

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                    Conative construction: [Subj V Obl_at]. "X DIRECTS ACTION at Y" (e.g., "Sam kicked at Bill"). The verb designates the intended result of the directed action; the at-PP marks the target without entailing contact (@cite{goldberg-1995} p. 3–4, 63–64).

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                      Decomposition into combination schemata #

                      Decompose a fully abstract construction into a sequence of combination steps.

                      For a construction with slots [Subj, V, Obj1, Obj2]:

                      1. V + Obj2 → V' (Head-Complement)
                      2. V' + Obj1 → V'' (Head-Complement)
                      3. Subj + V'' → S (Head-Specifier)

                      The head slot determines which combinations are complements vs specifier.

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                        A construction is fully compositional if it has specificity fullyAbstract and no construction-specific pragmatic function.

                        This is a proxy for @cite{mueller-2013}'s structural criterion (whether the construction can be analyzed as a sequence of headed binary combinations). The proxy works because fully abstract constructions without pragmatic functions have no idiosyncratic form–meaning pairings that would resist decomposition into the three universal schemata.

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                          Core theorems #

                          Ditransitive decomposes into Head-Specifier + Head-Complement + Head-Complement.

                          The ditransitive [Subj V Obj1 Obj2] decomposes as:

                          1. V + Obj2 → V' (Head-Complement)
                          2. V' + Obj1 → V'' (Head-Complement)
                          3. Subj + V'' → S (Head-Specifier)

                          Fully abstract constructions without pragmatic functions are fully compositional.

                          PAL construction is NOT fully compositional.

                          PAL is a phrasal construction where a phrase fills a word-level slot. This form-function pairing cannot be captured by the three schemata alone — it requires construction-specific knowledge.

                          Let alone construction is NOT fully compositional.

                          Let alone is a formal idiom with paired focus, scalar entailment, and NPI licensing requirements. These semantic/pragmatic properties cannot be derived from Head-Complement + Head-Specifier + Head-Filler.

                          Müller's "both directions right" (§3): the three schemata handle fully abstract constructions, but CxG's phrasal constructions are irreducible.

                          This formalizes the biconditional:

                          • Fully abstract → fully compositional (covered by universal schemata)
                          • There exist constructions that are not fully compositional (requires CxG)

                          A polysemy family groups constructions that share one syntactic frame but differ in meaning. The shared form is enforced by construction — all senses are generated from the same slots, making it impossible for a polysemy extension to silently diverge in syntax.

                          A polysemy family: one argument frame, multiple meanings.

                          All constructions in a family share the same slots definitionally — there is no way to create an extension with different syntax. The polysemy links (I_P) are derived, not manually assembled.

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                            The central sense as an ArgStructureConstruction.

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                              Build an extension construction. Uses the family's slots — shared by construction, not by assertion.

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                                Central construction uses the family's slots (definitionally true).

                                Every extension uses the family's slots (definitionally true). This is the structural enforcement: shared syntax is impossible to violate because it follows from the definition, not from a proof.

                                All members decompose identically (same slots → same decomposition).

                                Ditransitive polysemy network (@cite{goldberg-1995} pp. 75–77) #

                                The ditransitive is not a single construction but a family of six related senses connected by polysemy links (I_P). Each sense inherits the ditransitive's syntactic form [Subj V Obj Obj₂] but differs in the semantic relation between the event participants.

                                The ditransitive polysemy family: six senses sharing one argument frame (@cite{goldberg-1995} pp. 75–77).

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                                  Subpart link (I_S) from caused-motion to intransitive motion (@cite{goldberg-1995} p. 78): the intransitive motion construction is a proper subpart of the caused-motion construction.

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                                    Metaphorical extension link (I_M) from caused-motion to resultative (@cite{goldberg-1995} pp. 81–84): the resultative is a metaphorical extension of caused-motion via the systematic metaphor motion → change, location → state.

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                                      Verb–construction fusion #

                                      @cite{goldberg-1995}'s central claim: argument structure constructions are independent form–meaning pairings. When a verb appears in a construction, its meaning fuses with the construction's meaning. The composed meaning can have properties neither has alone.

                                      At the level of @cite{levin-1993} meaning components, fusion is componentwise OR: if either the verb or the construction contributes a component, the composed meaning has it. This simple mechanism derives construction-dependent alternation behavior (@cite{levin-2026}):

                                      The construction adds what the verb lacks; predictedAlternation on the fused result gives the correct prediction without any new alternation logic.

                                      The composed meaning of a verb in an argument structure construction. Verb root semantics fused with the construction's semantic contribution.

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                                        Whether an alternation is predicted for a verb in a construction. Generalizes MeaningComponents.predictedAlternation to construction contexts.

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                                          Core theorems: constructions that don't augment #

                                          With no augmentation, the composed meaning equals the verb's own.

                                          Core theorems: constructions that augment #

                                          Key derivation: construction-dependent alternation #

                                          The payoff: predictedAlternation on fused components derives that manner verbs participate in the causative alternation inside the resultative, even though they cannot outside it. No new alternation logic is needed — the existing component-based prediction (mc.changeOfState && mc.causation) fires on the fused result.

                                          A pure manner verb (no CoS, no causation) cannot alternate alone.

                                          A pure manner verb in the resultative CAN alternate: the construction adds the CoS and causation the verb lacks.

                                          Multiple alternation flips from a single construction #

                                          The key architectural insight: fusing a construction's components with a verb's components can flip multiple alternation predictions simultaneously. The resultative adds CoS + causation, which unlocks not just causativeInchoative but also middle, instrumentSubject, and the resultative alternation itself — all from the same mechanism, with no new alternation logic.

                                          This is the formal payoff of Goldbergian fusion (@cite{goldberg-1995}): constructions don't just license one new alternation — they systematically augment the verb's meaning component profile, and every alternation whose required components are now satisfied becomes available.

                                          Caused-motion fusion #

                                          The caused-motion construction adds motion + causation. For touch-class verbs (pure contact, no motion), this unlocks the conative alternation (requires contact + motion) and the instrument subject alternation (requires causation).

                                          Touch alone: ⟨false, true, false, false, false, false⟩ — only BPPA (contact) Touch + caused-motion: ⟨false, true, true, true, false, false⟩ — conative + instrumentSubject too

                                          Manner-of-motion verbs in the resultative #

                                          Manner-of-motion verbs (⟨false, false, true, false, false, true⟩) have motion but no CoS or causation. In the resultative, they acquire both — unlocking causativeInchoative, middle, instrumentSubject, and resultative.

                                          Constructional augmentation summary #

                                          Each construction unlocks a characteristic set of alternations by augmenting the verb's meaning components. The table below summarizes what each construction contributes and which alternations it enables for verbs that lack the relevant components:

                                          ConstructionAddsUnlocks
                                          ResultativeCoS + causationCI, middle, instrumentSubject, resultative
                                          Caused-motionmotion + causationconative (if +contact), instrumentSubject
                                          Ditransitive(nothing)(nothing)

                                          These predictions are all derived from the same predictedAlternation function — no construction-specific alternation logic exists. The construction simply changes the input to the general prediction function.

                                          Instrument specification survives fusion: cut-class verbs remain blocked from causativeInchoative and resultative even inside the resultative construction, because instrumentSpec = true persists through componentwise OR.