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Linglib.Theories.Syntax.ConstructionGrammar.Studies.GoldbergJackendoff2004

@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}: The English Resultative as a Family of Constructions #

@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}

Formalization of the core claims from @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}.

Key claims #

  1. The English resultative is not one construction but a family of four subconstructions organized along two dimensions: causative/noncausative × property/path RP
  2. Every resultative has a dual subevent structure: a verbal subevent (from the verb) and a constructional subevent (CAUSE + BECOME/GO from the construction)
  3. The verbal and constructional subevents are linked by typed semantic relations: MEANS, RESULT, INSTANCE, or CO-OCCURRENCE
  4. Full Argument Realization (FAR): all obligatory arguments of both verb and construction must be syntactically realized; shared arguments fuse
  5. Semantic Coherence: verb role rV and construction role rC may fuse only if rV is construable as an instance of rC
  6. Aspectual constraint: resultatives are telic iff the RP denotes a bounded path/property
  7. Temporal constraint: the constructional subevent cannot temporally precede the verbal subevent

Core types #

The kind of subevent in a resultative.

  • verbal : SubeventKind

    From the verb's lexical meaning (e.g., hammering, kicking)

  • constructional : SubeventKind

    From the construction (CAUSE + BECOME/GO)

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      How the verbal and constructional subevents are related (§3).

      • means: The verbal subevent is the means by which the constructional subevent is brought about. E.g., "hammer metal flat" — hammering is the means of causing flatness.
      • result: The constructional subevent is an independent result of the verbal subevent. E.g., "the river froze solid" — becoming solid results from freezing.
      • instance_: The verbal subevent is an instance of the constructional subevent. E.g., "kick the ball into the field" — kicking IS a way of causing motion.
      • coOccurrence: The two subevents merely co-occur without causal connection. E.g., "She sang her way down the road" — singing accompanies motion.
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          Type of result phrase.

          • property : RPType

            Adjectival/property result: "flat", "clean", "solid"

          • path : RPType

            Directional/path result: "into the field", "off the table"

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              The four subconstructions in the resultative family (§2, Table 1).

              Property RPPath RP
              CausativecausativePropertycausativePath
              NoncausativenoncausativePropertynoncausativePath
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                  Dual subevent structure (§3) #

                  Description of a subevent.

                  • description : String

                    What the subevent describes

                  • hasCause : Bool

                    Whether CAUSE is part of this subevent

                  • hasBecome : Bool

                    Whether BECOME/GO is part of this subevent

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                      The dual subevent structure of a resultative (§3, Principle 25).

                      Every resultative has exactly two subevents linked by a semantic relation.

                      • verbal : SubeventDesc

                        The verbal subevent (from the verb's lexical semantics)

                      • constructional : SubeventDesc

                        The constructional subevent (from the construction)

                      • relation : SubeventRelation

                        How the subevents are related

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                          Boundedness and aspect #

                          Whether an RP denotes a bounded endpoint.

                          Property RPs are always bounded (reaching a property state). Path RPs are bounded iff the goal is specific ("into the field" = bounded; "along the road" = unbounded).

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                              Resultative entry #

                              A resultative entry: verb + subconstruction + subevent structure + aspect.

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                                  Aspectual profile (§4, Principle 27) #

                                  The resultative's aspect is derived compositionally:

                                  Derive the aspectual profile of a resultative from RP boundedness.

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                                    Semantic roles and argument licensing #

                                    Semantic roles relevant to resultatives (§6).

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                                        An argument with its source (verb or construction).

                                        • role : SemRole

                                          The semantic role

                                        • fromVerb : Bool

                                          Whether this argument comes from the verb

                                        • fromConstruction : Bool

                                          Whether this argument comes from the construction

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                                            Whether an argument is fused (shared between verb and construction).

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                                              Full Argument Realization (FAR) — Principle 37, §6.1 #

                                              All obligatory arguments of both the verb and the construction must be syntactically realized. Arguments shared between verb and construction fuse into a single syntactic position.

                                              Semantic Coherence Principle — Principle 44, §6.2 #

                                              A verb role rV and a construction role rC may fuse only if rV is construable as an instance of rC.

                                              Which role pairs are coherent for fusion.

                                              Agent can fuse with agent; patient with patient or theme; theme with patient or theme.

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                                                Check semantic coherence: all fused arguments have coherent roles.

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                                                  Temporal constraint (§4.2, Principle 33) #

                                                  The constructional subevent cannot temporally precede the verbal subevent.

                                                  Temporal ordering between subevents.

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                                                      Empirical data: resultative entries #

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                                                                      All resultative entries.

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                                                                        Per-datum verification theorems #

                                                                        Inheritance network #

                                                                        The four subconstructions inherit from the existing resultative construction in ArgumentStructure.lean.

                                                                        ArgStructureConstruction for each subconstruction.

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                                                                                The full resultative family: all four subconstructions.

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                                                                                  Inheritance links from the four subconstructions to the parent resultative.

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                                                                                    All inheritance links point to the same parent.

                                                                                    All four subconstructions decompose via the existing decompose function.

                                                                                    Causative subconstructions decompose to [HS, HC, HC]. Noncausative subconstructions decompose to [HS, HC].