Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Coordination.Studies.Stassen2000

@cite{stassen-2000} — AND-languages and WITH-languages #

Linguistic Typology 4(1), 1-54.

Core Contribution #

A binary typological parameter classifying languages by how they encode NP conjunction:

Key Claims #

  1. The AND/WITH parameter is diagnosed by lexical identity: if "and" = "with", the language is WITH; if "and" ≠ "with", it is AND.

  2. WITH→AND drift: diachronically, WITH-languages tend to grammaticalize toward AND-status (comitative markers become balanced coordinators). The reverse drift (AND→WITH) does not occur.

  3. Correlational parameters: AND-status correlates with "casedness" (bound case morphology) and "tensedness" (obligatory bound tense marking). These are statistical tendencies, not absolute universals.

Integration #

The AND/WITH parameter is derived from WALS Ch 63 (ConjComitativeRelation) via AndWithStatus in Typology.lean, following the "derive, don't duplicate" principle. This file adds:

2026 Consensus #

The AND/WITH distinction is well-established and encoded in WALS Ch 63A (authored by @cite{haspelmath-2007}, building on Stassen's framework). The diachronic WITH→AND drift is broadly accepted. The correlational parameters (casedness, tensedness) are the least settled — recognized as tendencies but with many counterexamples.

@cite{stassen-2000}'s two encoding strategies for NP conjunction.

Coordinate encoding: balanced, symmetric structure where both conjuncts have equal syntactic rank. Diagnostics: constituent status, plural agreement, dedicated coordinator morpheme distinct from comitative.

Comitative encoding: asymmetric structure where one NP is the "companion" of another, modeled on "A with B". Diagnostics: comitative case marking, no obligatory plural agreement, "and" = "with" lexically.

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      Diagnostic features for distinguishing coordinate from comitative encoding. Based on @cite{stassen-2000}'s structural diagnostics for balanced vs dependent encoding.

      • equalRank : Bool

        Both conjuncts have equal syntactic rank (neither is embedded).

      • constituency : Bool

        The conjoined phrase forms a syntactic constituent.

      • pluralAgreement : Bool

        The conjoined subject triggers plural agreement on the verb.

      • uniqueMarker : Bool

        The coordination marker is a dedicated form, not identical to "with".

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            Coordinate strategies have all four diagnostic properties.

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              Comitative strategies lack all four (prototypically).

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                A strategy counts as coordinate iff all four features are positive.

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                  @cite{stassen-2000}: diachronic drift is unidirectional — WITH → AND. Comitative markers grammaticalize into balanced coordinators over time, but the reverse does not occur. This is the same process captured by DiachronicSource.comitative in the Haspelmath typology: a "with" marker becomes a conjunction marker, moving the language from WITH-status to AND-status.

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                      @cite{stassen-2000}'s WITH→AND drift corresponds to @cite{haspelmath-2007}'s comitative diachronic source: a comitative marker grammaticalizing into a coordinator is exactly the mechanism by which a WITH-language becomes an AND-language.

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                        Comitative-sourced coordinators yield monosyndetic patterns, connecting Stassen's diachronic drift to Haspelmath's structural typology: WITH→AND drift → comitative source → monosyndetic pattern.

                        @cite{stassen-2000}: "Casedness" — whether a language has bound case morphology on core argument NPs. Correlates statistically with AND-status.

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                            @cite{stassen-2000}: "Tensedness" — whether a language has obligatory bound past/non-past marking on verbs. Correlates statistically with AND-status.

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                                theorem Phenomena.Coordination.Studies.Stassen2000.casedness_skews_andWith :
                                ∃ (casedAND : ) (casedWITH : ) (uncasedAND : ) (uncasedWITH : ), casedAND + casedWITH + uncasedAND + uncasedWITH = 260 casedAND * (uncasedAND + uncasedWITH) > uncasedAND * (casedAND + casedWITH)

                                @cite{stassen-2000}: among cased languages, AND-status is more frequent than WITH-status; among uncased languages, the reverse holds. Stated as: there exists a partition of the 260-language sample into four cells (cased×AND, cased×WITH, uncased×AND, uncased×WITH) such that the proportion of AND among cased exceeds the proportion among uncased. Cross-multiplied to avoid rationals. [sorry: requires the cross-tabulation from the paper]

                                theorem Phenomena.Coordination.Studies.Stassen2000.tensedness_skews_andWith :
                                ∃ (tensedAND : ) (tensedWITH : ) (untensedAND : ) (untensedWITH : ), tensedAND + tensedWITH + untensedAND + untensedWITH = 260 tensedAND * (untensedAND + untensedWITH) > untensedAND * (tensedAND + tensedWITH)

                                @cite{stassen-2000}: among tensed languages, AND-status is more frequent than WITH-status; among untensed languages, the reverse holds. Same cross-multiplication encoding as casedness_skews_andWith. [sorry: requires the cross-tabulation from the paper]

                                Fragment Bridges #

                                These theorems verify that morpheme data in independently-defined Fragment entries is consistent with the corresponding Typology ConjunctionSystem entries. Since the Fragment types (CoordRole, Boundness, CoordEntry) are defined independently per language, we compare via string-valued fields (.form). This means a change to either side breaks the relevant theorem.

                                Georgian Fragment's J morpheme "da" matches Typology's Georgian "da".

                                Georgian Fragment's MU morpheme "-c" matches Typology's Georgian "-c".

                                Hungarian Fragment's J morpheme "és" matches Typology's Hungarian "és".

                                Hungarian Fragment's MU morpheme "is" matches Typology's Hungarian "is".

                                Latin Fragment's J morpheme "et" matches Typology's Latin "et".

                                Latin Fragment's MU morpheme "-que" matches Typology's Latin "-que".

                                Irish Fragment's J morpheme "agus" matches Typology's Irish "agus".

                                The Fragment-level boundness asymmetry between Georgian MU (bound) and Hungarian MU (free) is consistent with the Typology-level asymmetry. This connects @cite{bill-etal-2025}'s acquisition data (Georgian children found J-MU harder) to the morphological difference.