Broekhuis & Corver (2026): Adpositions in Dutch #
@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} @cite{dendikken-2010} @cite{svenonius-2010}
The four-way surface classification of Dutch adpositions (preP, postP, circumP, intransitive particle) is argued to be epiphenomenal: all derive from underlying prePs via movement within a PP-internal functional projection.
Core empirical generalizations #
- PostPs ⊆ PrePs — every postP can also be a preP (§6)
- PreP = locational; PostP = directional (§2.2, ex. 21–23)
- Morphologically complex PrePs block R-pronominalization (§2.1, ex. 20)
- PostPs/circumPs cannot take adjectival or clausal complements (§2.2)
- Dutch resists P-stranding; R-pronouns can be extracted (§5.2)
Theoretical analysis (§6, ex. 62/64) #
All four surface orders derive from [FP _ F [PP P DP/PP]]:
- PreP (default): complement stays in situ
- PostP: DP moves to Spec,FP (semantically conditioned — directional)
- CircumP: PP/R-pronoun moves to Spec,FP (default for PP complements)
- Intransitive: no complement projected
The key distinction is WHAT moves (DP → postP; PP/R-pronoun → circumP),
not whether F is overt. See MovedConstituent.
Cross-references #
Fragments.Dutch.Adpositions: lexical inventoryTheories.Syntax.Minimalism.Formal.ExtendedProjection: Place/Path in EPCore.Path.PathShape: bounded/unbounded/source classificationTheories.Semantics.Events.SpatialTrace: PathShape → telicityPhenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Selection: Dutch zijn/hebben splitPhenomena.Constructions.ParticleVerbs.Studies.Dendikken1995: particles as P headsCore.WALS.Features.F85A: cross-linguistic adposition order
Surface order of P and its complement.
@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §6, ex. 62/64: all four derive from the
same underlying structure [FP _ F [PP P DP/PP]].
- preP : PPSurfaceOrder
- postP : PPSurfaceOrder
- circumP : PPSurfaceOrder
- intransP : PPSurfaceOrder
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What constituent moves to Spec,FP to produce a non-canonical order. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §6 ex. 64: the crucial distinction is WHAT moves — DP yields postP, PP/R-pronoun yields circumP.
- noMovement : MovedConstituent
- dpToSpecFP : MovedConstituent
- ppToSpecFP : MovedConstituent
- noComplement : MovedConstituent
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Derive surface order from what moved. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §6, ex. 64:
- a. PrePP (default):
[FP _ F [P DP]] - b. PostP (semantically conditioned):
[FP DPᵢ F [P tᵢ]] - c. CircumP (default for PP compl):
[FP PPᵢ/R-pronᵢ F [P tᵢ]]
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PreP = no movement (default).
PostP = DP to Spec,FP (semantically conditioned — directional).
CircumP = PP/R-pronoun to Spec,FP (default for PP complements).
Intransitive = no complement projected.
Derive available surface orders from an adposition's distributional properties.
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@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.2 (p.9): "it seems that postPs and circumPs differ from prePs in that they are incapable of selecting adjectival or clausal complements."
No postP-capable adposition takes adjectival complements.
No postP-capable adposition takes clausal complements.
No circumP-capable adposition takes adjectival complements.
No circumP-capable adposition takes clausal complements.
The locational/directional distinction maps onto the Place/Path
cartographic heads in the Extended Projection framework. Locational PPs
are [PlaceP Place [PP P DP]] (truncated EP); directional PPs add
PathP: [PathP Path [PlaceP Place [PP P DP]]] (full adpositional EP).
Locational PPs correspond to truncated adpositional EPs.
Directional PPs correspond to full adpositional EPs.
Place and Path inherit [-V, -N] from P.
Place and Path are in the adpositional family.
@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.2 ex. 22: directional de heuvel op
takes zijn (be), locational op de heuvel takes hebben (have).
This connects through PathShape → telicity → unaccusativity → auxiliary selection.
All directional adpositions in the inventory carry a PathShape.
PostP-capable adpositions are directional (and locational).
PostP-capable adpositions have a PathShape.
End-to-end chain for op: directional → bounded path → telic. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.2 ex. 22: De fietser is de heuvel op gereden "The cyclist rode onto the hill" — zijn (be) because directional postP op denotes a bounded path, which is telic.
End-to-end: telic → unaccusative → zijn (be) in Dutch. Dutch has a split auxiliary system; unaccusative (telic change-of-state) verbs select zijn, matching @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}'s ex. 22.
op (bounded) vs van (source): distinct PathShapes but both telic. Goal-oriented and origin-oriented directionality both yield telic VPs.
@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §5.2: Dutch resists P-stranding for DP complements (ex. 53: ✱Janᵢ heeft Els niet [PP op tᵢ] gewacht), but allows R-pronoun extraction (ex. 54: Daar <op> heeft Els niet <op> gewacht) and postPP complement extraction (ex. 58b-c).
This three-way extraction asymmetry follows from the movement analysis:
- PrePPs: DP is in base position (complement of P) → extraction blocked
- R-pronouns: already PP-internally moved → can be further extracted
- PostPPs: DP is in Spec,FP → higher position → extraction possible
Extraction possibility from different PP types.
- dpFromPrePP : PPExtractionType
- rPronFromPrePP : PPExtractionType
- dpFromPostPP : PPExtractionType
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Whether extraction is possible for each PP type.
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- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026.extractionOk Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026.PPExtractionType.dpFromPrePP = false
- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026.extractionOk Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026.PPExtractionType.rPronFromPrePP = true
- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026.extractionOk Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026.PPExtractionType.dpFromPostPP = true
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P-stranding is blocked for DP complements of prePPs.
R-pronouns can be extracted from prePPs.
Complement extraction from postPPs is possible.
The extraction asymmetry: prePP blocks DP extraction but postPP allows it. This follows from the movement analysis — in postPPs the DP is already in Spec,FP (a higher, extraction-friendly position).
R-pronominalization-blocking Ps cannot be postPs. Complex Ps lack the internal functional structure needed for complement movement.
Dutch is classified as a preposition language in WALS (F85A). This is consistent with @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}'s analysis: the base order is always P-DP (preP); postP/circumP are derived by movement, not by a different head-direction parameter.
Dutch is listed as "prepositions" in WALS F85A (code "dut").
@cite{dendikken-1995} analyzes verbal particles as P heads of small clauses. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}'s intransitive adpositions include the same elements: op, in, uit, af, etc.
The intransitive adpositions from the fragment.
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af is exclusively intransitive (circumP second element / particle).
@cite{dendikken-1995} PVC predicate category is P — matching the category of intransitive adpositions in the fragment.
@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.1 ex. 19–20: simplex prePs allow R-pronominalization (er op, daar in), but morphologically complex prePs (tijdens, ondanks, zonder) resist it.
Simplex spatial Ps allow R-pronominalization.
Complex Ps block R-pronominalization.