Documentation

Linglib.Fragments.Dutch.Adpositions

Dutch Adposition Fragment #

@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} @cite{dendikken-2010}

Lexical entries for Dutch adpositions, encoding their surface distribution (preposition, postposition, circumposition, intransitive/particle) and core properties (R-pronominalization, complement types).

Key Empirical Generalizations (@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}) #

  1. PostPs are a proper subset of prePs — every postP can also be a preP (§6)
  2. PrePs are locational; postPs are directional (§2.2, ex. 21–23)
  3. Morphologically complex prePs resist R-pronominalization (§2.1, ex. 20)
  4. The four-way classification (preP/postP/circumP/intrP) is epiphenomenal — all derive from prePs via syntactic movement (§6)

Cross-references #

Complement types attested for Dutch adpositions. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.1: nominal (default), PP, adjectival, clausal, infinitival, small-clause, none (intransitive).

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      A Dutch adposition lexical entry. Records observable distributional properties only — no theoretical analysis of WHY these properties hold.

      • form : String

        Surface form

      • prePOk : Bool

        Attested as preposition (complement follows P)

      • postPOk : Bool

        Attested as postposition (complement precedes P)

      • circumPart : Option String

        Second element if this P participates in a circumposition

      • intransOk : Bool

        Attested without complement (intransitive / verbal particle use)

      • rPronOk : Bool

        Allows R-pronominalization (er/daar/waar + P); §2.1, ex. 19–20

      • complTypes : List PComplementType

        Attested complement types

      • locational : Bool

        Has locational reading (place/state)

      • directional : Bool

        Has directional reading (path/change of location)

      • Path shape for directional uses (if any)

      • gloss : String

        English gloss

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              §2.2 ex. 21: op is both preP (locational "on") and postP (directional "onto"). The clearest minimal pair in the paper: op de heuvel (on the hill) vs de heuvel op (onto the hill). Auxiliary selection confirms the semantic split: hebben (locational) vs zijn (directional, ex. 22).

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                §2.1 ex. 2a, §2.2 ex. 35a/58a: in is preP (locational "in") and postP (directional "into"). De boom in (ex. 35a) = "into the tree".

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                  §2.1 ex. 2b: naar is preP only, inherently directional. Naar de garage = "to the garage".

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                    §2.1 ex. 6–7: van indicates starting point of a path. Takes PP complements: van [PP na de oorlog] (ex. 7a). Circumposition with af: van het dak af (ex. 59).

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                      §2.1 ex. 6–7: tot indicates endpoint of a path. Takes PP complements: tot [PP (diep) in het bos] (ex. 7b). Takes AP complements: tot [AP voor kort] (ex. 8a). See also Fragments.Dutch.TemporalConnectives.tot for the temporal sense, which has complementType := .nominal — the spatial sense is broader.

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                        §3 ex. 31a, §2.3 ex. 28b: achter = "behind". Intransitive: Mijn fiets staat achter (ex. 28b).

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                          §2.3 ex. 28a, §3 ex. 37: boven = "above/upstairs". Intransitive: De douche bevindt zich boven (ex. 28a).

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                            §2.2 ex. 24a: onder = "under". Circumposition with door: onder de brug door (ex. 24a) = crossing under the bridge. Locational as preP, directional in circumP use.

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                              §2.2 ex. 24b: over = "over/across". Circumposition with heen: over de heide heen (ex. 24b) = across the heath. Locational as preP, directional in circumP use.

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                                §2.2 ex. 25: tussen = "between". Circumposition with in: tussen de kippen in (ex. 25).

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                                  bij = "at/near". Locational only.

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                                    tegen = "against".

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                                      langs = "along".

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                                        uit = "out of". Source-directional. Intransitive in uitslapen (§2.3 ex. 29b).

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                                          §2.3 ex. 28c: om = "around". Intransitive: Marie deed een sjaal om (ex. 28c).

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                                            §2.1 ex. 14, 19e: met = "with". Takes small-clause complement in absolute met-construction: Met [Jan in ons team] zullen we nooit verliezen (ex. 14a).

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                                              §2.1 ex. 5, 9a: voor = "for/before". Temporal sense takes clausal complement: voor [CP (dat) hij vertrok] (ex. 9a). Also takes PP (voor [PP bij de koffie], ex. 5) and AP (voor [AP kort], ex. 8a) complements.

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                                                §2.1 ex. 9b, 13a, 19c: na = "after". Clausal complement with obligatory dat: *na [CP (dat) hij gevallen was] (ex. 9b). Infinitival: na [CP te zijn gevallen] (ex. 13a).

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                                                  §2.1 ex. 13b, 20c: zonder = "without". Infinitival complement: zonder [CP te snurken] (ex. 13b). Resists R-pronominalization: ✱er zonder (ex. 20c).

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                                                    §2.1 ex. 20a: tijdens = "during". Resists R-pronominalization: ✱er tijdens.

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                                                      §2.1 ex. 20b: ondanks = "despite". Resists R-pronominalization: ✱er ondanks.

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                                                        §4 ex. 44d: door = "through/by" (causal/instrumental). Clausal complement: door [CP dat de wind hard waaide] (ex. 44d'). Also functions as circumP second element (onder...door) and as verbal particle.

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                                                          af = "off/down". Primarily circumP second element (van...af, ex. 59) and verbal particle. Not commonly used as standalone preP (§2.2: "P₂ has a form that is not commonly used as a preP").

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                                                            heen = directional particle. Primarily circumP second element (over...heen, ex. 24b). Not commonly used as standalone preP.

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                                                                Every adposition that has postP use also has preP use. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §6: postPs derive from prePs by complement movement, so postP ⊆ preP.

                                                                Morphologically complex prePs resist R-pronominalization. §2.1 ex. 20: tijdens, ondanks, zonder are diachronically complex and block er-pronominalization.

                                                                CircumP second elements (af, heen) are not standalone prePs.

                                                                All adpositions with directional readings have a PathShape.

                                                                PostP-capable adpositions have both locational and directional readings. §2.2 ex. 21: preP op = locational, postP op = directional.