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Linglib.Theories.Syntax.Minimalism.Formal.ExtendedProjection.Properties

The semantic type associated with a projection level (Grimshaw §1.5). EP levels map systematically to semantic types:

  • F0 heads denote properties ⟨e,t⟩ (V = event predicates, N = entity predicates)
  • Higher functional heads progressively bind variables
  • The top of a verbal EP denotes a proposition ⟨s,t⟩
  • The top of a nominal EP denotes an entity (e)
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      Map categories to their EP semantic type. This reflects how functional structure progressively changes the denotation from ⟨e,t⟩ to a closed type.

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        Only L-heads (F0 = lexical categories) assign theta roles. Functional heads (v, D, T, C) do not introduce new theta roles — they provide functional structure (agreement, tense, force, determination).

        @cite{grimshaw-2005} Definition 10: theta-role assignment is restricted to the lexical level of projection.

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          Theta assignment is exactly the lexical heads.

          def Minimalism.isEPInternal (daughter parent : Cat) :

          A daughter is EP-internal (complement) if it shares [±V, ±N] features with its parent AND has a strictly lower F-value.

          EP-internal elements are inside the extended projection:

          • VP is EP-internal to vP (both verbal, F0 < F1)
          • NP is EP-internal to DP (both nominal, F0 < F1)

          EP-external elements (specifiers) are outside:

          • DP in Spec-vP is EP-external (nominal ≠ verbal)
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            def Minimalism.isEPExternal (daughter parent : Cat) :

            EP-external: either different family or not lower F-value. Specifiers are typically EP-external to the projection they sit.

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              Full verbal EP: V → v → T → C. This is the standard clausal spine for finite clauses.

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                Full nominal EP: N → n → Q → Num → D. Q (classifier / individuation) is below Num (number / counting) per @cite{borer-2005}: individuation must precede counting.

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                  Small clause EP: just the lexical head, no functional layers. E.g., "consider [SC him intelligent]" — the SC has no T or C.

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                    Adjectival EP: A → a. The minimal adjectival extended projection, parallel to the verbal (V → v) and nominal (N → n) categorizer layers. Further adjectival functional structure (DegP, etc.) is language-dependent and not included here.

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                      Adjectival small clause EP: just A. E.g., "consider [SC him happy]"

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                        Locational adpositional EP: P → Place. @cite{dendikken-2010}: locational PPs project PlaceP but not PathP. E.g., Dutch preP op de heuvel 'on the hill' (locational).

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                          Directional adpositional EP: P → Place → Path. @cite{dendikken-2010}: directional PPs project PathP above PlaceP. E.g., Dutch postP de heuvel op 'onto the hill' (directional).

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                            Infinitival EP: V → v → T (no C). E.g., "want [to leave]" — truncated at T, no complementizer.

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                              Is this EP truncated (missing functional layers compared to the full EP)?

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                                The highest F-value that still denotes a property ⟨e,t⟩ or is in the intermediate zone. This defines the argument domain boundary.

                                For verbal EPs: the argument domain extends to vP (F1)

                                • vP still denotes ⟨e,t⟩ (property of events)
                                • TP (F2) starts binding tense → no longer ⟨e,t⟩

                                For nominal EPs: the argument domain extends to nP (F1)

                                • nP still denotes ⟨e,t⟩ (property of entities)
                                • NumP (F2) starts binding number → no longer ⟨e,t⟩ This parallels the verbal domain: v ↔ n at the same F-level.
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                                  Is a category within the argument domain of a given top category? The argument domain includes all F-levels ≤ the boundary.

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                                    v denotes an intermediate type (event quantification domain).

                                    C denotes a proposition (clausal force).

                                    D denotes an entity (determination/referentiality).

                                    Nominal categorizer n is intermediate (still ⟨e,t⟩-ish).

                                    Q is intermediate (classifier/individuation: CUM → QUA).

                                    Num is intermediate (number/counting: QUA → measured).

                                    VP is EP-internal to vP (complement position).

                                    NP is EP-internal to nP (complement of categorizer).

                                    nP is EP-internal to QP (complement of classifier/individuation).

                                    QP is EP-internal to NumP (complement of number/counting).

                                    NumP is EP-internal to DP (complement of determiner).

                                    NP is EP-internal to DP (transitively).

                                    DP is EP-external to vP (specifier position): different [±V, ±N] features (nominal ≠ verbal).

                                    The argument domain of a full clause (C) is vP.

                                    The argument domain of a TP is also vP.

                                    The argument domain of a full DP is nP (parallel to vP for clauses).

                                    The argument domain of QP is nP.

                                    The argument domain of NumP is nP.

                                    V is within the argument domain of a full clause.

                                    v is within the argument domain of a full clause.

                                    T is NOT within the argument domain of a full clause.

                                    C is NOT within the argument domain (it's the top).

                                    A small clause is truncated relative to a full verbal EP.

                                    F1+ heads cannot assign theta roles (@cite{grimshaw-2005} Definition 10). Note: Panagiotidis (2015 §4.5) argues categorizers (v, n, a) are lexical, not functional — but in Grimshaw's F-value system they are F1 (non-lexical). The theta restriction here follows Grimshaw, not Panagiotidis.

                                    Place and Path are functional heads: they do NOT assign theta roles.

                                    P is EP-internal to PlaceP: same [-V,-N], F0 < F1. @cite{dendikken-2010}: P is the lexical complement of Place.

                                    PlaceP is EP-internal to PathP: same [-V,-N], F1 < F2. @cite{dendikken-2010}: Place is the complement of Path in directional PPs.

                                    A locational PP [P, Place] is truncated relative to the full adpositional EP [P, Place, Path]. @cite{dendikken-2010}: locational PPs lack the directional PathP layer.

                                    The split-CP spine is well-formed (consistent and monotone).

                                    Fin is EP-internal to Foc: same [+V,-N], F3 < F4. The IP/CP boundary (Fin) is properly dominated by focus.

                                    Foc is EP-internal to Top: same [+V,-N], F4 < F5. Focus is below topic in the C-domain hierarchy.

                                    Top is EP-internal to C: same [+V,-N], F5 < F6. Topic is below the complementizer (= Force in unsplit contexts).

                                    T is EP-internal to Fin: same [+V,-N], F2 < F3. Tense is properly dominated by finiteness.

                                    Fin and Foc are NOT perfect projections of each other: F3 ≠ F4. Before the fValue fix, both had fValue 3 and this was incorrectly true.