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Linglib.Phenomena.TemporalConnectives.Typology

Cross-Linguistic Typology of the Two-Until Distinction #

@cite{giannakidou-2002} @cite{karttunen-1974}

Languages employ four strategies for expressing the durative/eventive distinction in temporal connectives:

  1. Three-way lexicalization (Greek): separate lexemes for before (prin), durative until (mexri), and eventive NPI-until (para monon).

  2. Two-way lexicalization (Icelandic, Finnish): separate lexemes for durative until (flanga til, kunnes) and eventive NPI-until (fyrr en, ennenkuin). Before may or may not be one of the until forms.

  3. Ambiguity (English): a single lexeme until is ambiguous between durative (positive contexts) and eventive/NPI (negative contexts).

  4. PPI replacement (Dutch, German): durative until (tot, bis) cannot co-occur with negation. A separate PPI (pas, erst) supplies the 'not before' meaning without negation.

The typology is organized by how many surface forms a language uses and what polarity properties they have, not by geographic or genetic affiliation. The aspect parameter (overt vs covert perfective/imperfective marking) is orthogonal: Icelandic has no overt aspect but still lexicalizes the distinction.

How a language handles the durative/eventive until distinction.

  • threeWay : UntilStrategy

    Three distinct lexemes: before, durative until, eventive NPI-until. Greek: prin, mexri, para monon.

  • twoWay : UntilStrategy

    Two distinct lexemes: durative until and eventive NPI-until. Icelandic: flanga til, fyrr en. Finnish: kunnes, ennenkuin.

  • ambiguous : UntilStrategy

    Single ambiguous lexeme, disambiguated by negation context. English: until.

  • ppiReplacement : UntilStrategy

    Durative until blocked under negation; PPI replaces NPI-until. Dutch: tot, pas. German: bis, erst.

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      A language's strategy for the two-until distinction, with evidence linking to fragment entries and NegationData.

      • language : String
      • strategy : UntilStrategy
      • durativeForm : String

        Surface form for durative until

      • eventiveForm : String

        Surface form for eventive until (NPI or PPI)

      • eventiveMorphBeforeBased : Bool

        Is the eventive form morphologically built on before?

      • hasOvertAspect : Bool

        Does the language have overt perfective/imperfective marking?

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                      The full typological sample.

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                        Every language in the sample uses distinct surface forms for durative and eventive until (even the ambiguous strategy uses the same form in different syntactic contexts, disambiguated by negation).

                        The two-way and three-way strategies both have morphologically before-based eventive forms in at least one language, confirming @cite{karttunen-1974}'s identity NPI-until = ¬before.

                        Overt aspect marking is NOT required for lexicalization of the two-until distinction. Icelandic and Finnish lack overt verbal aspect but still lexicalize two untils.

                        English NPI-until and Greek para monon agree on semantic type: both are eventive (not before-type). This was previously inconsistent in the data file.