Dutch Temporal Connectives Fragment #
@cite{giannakidou-2002} @cite{karttunen-1974}
Dutch (and German) represent a third strategy for the two-until problem: rather than collapsing both types under one lexeme (English) or lexicalizing both separately (Greek, Icelandic), Dutch excludes durative until from negation altogether and uses a positive polarity item instead.
tot ('until'): durative endpoint type. Cannot co-occur with negation. "*Marie kwam tot 9 uur (niet) aan" is ungrammatical.
pas ('only then', lit. 'not before'): PPI replacement for NPI-until. "Marie kwam pas om 9 uur aan" ('Mary only arrived at 9'). Unlike Greek para monon (NPI, requires negation), Dutch pas is a PPI that appears WITHOUT negation and contributes the 'not before' meaning lexically.
German parallels Dutch exactly: bis (durative until, blocked under negation) and erst (PPI, 'only then').
This typological pattern — PPI replacement instead of NPI until — was noted by @cite{giannakidou-2002} (ex. 47) and Declerk 1995.
Dutch tot ('until'): durative endpoint type. Veridical, requires durative main clause. CANNOT co-occur with negation — negation blocks durative until entirely in Dutch (unlike English/Greek where negation triggers a different reading). "Marie wachtte tot 9 uur." ('Marie waited until 9 o'clock.')
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Dutch pas ('only then'): PPI replacement for NPI-until.
Contributes 'not before' meaning WITHOUT negation — it is a PPI,
not an NPI. Classified as order := .until_ because it occupies the
same slot as NPI-until in other languages, but with reversed polarity.
"Marie kwam pas om 9 uur aan." ('Mary only arrived at 9.')
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Instances For
Tot is veridical; pas is non-veridical (like NPI-until).
Pas forces punctual reading (eventive); tot does not (durative).
Dutch tot matches English durative until on core properties.