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Linglib.Phenomena.Reference.Studies.RosaArnold2017

@cite{rosa-arnold-2017} #

@cite{kehler-rohde-2013} @cite{kehler-2002} @cite{arnold-wasow-losongco-ginstrom-2000}

Predictability Affects Production: Thematic Roles Can Affect Reference Form Selection. Journal of Memory and Language 94, 43–60.

Core Argument #

Speakers use more pronouns for goals than sources of transfer verbs, across three experimental paradigms (event-retelling, sentence completion × 2). A rating study confirms that goal characters are more predictable next-mentions (71% chose the goal as likely next-mention; separately, only 54% chose the subject, suggesting subjecthood is a weaker predictor of next-mention than thematic role). This establishes that thematic roles affect referential form selection via predictability, contrary to claims that thematic roles do not affect form.

Key Findings #

#FindingStatus
1Goals get more pronouns than sources (all 3 exps)data
2Subjects get more pronouns than nonsubjects (all 3 exps)data
3Goals are more predictable next-mentions (71% vs 54%)data
4Occasion/Result coherence amplifies goal bias (Exp 2)data
5Goal bias robust across paradigmsdata
6Transfer verbs assign Goal to indirect objectrfl
7Occasion/Result is contiguity/causeEffectrfl
8Goal > Source mirrors IC next-mention mechanismcross-study
9Form reduction feeds into ordering (Arnold et al. 2000)cross-study

Debate with @cite{kehler-rohde-2013} #

Kehler & Rohde decompose pronoun interpretation via Bayes' rule:

P(referent | pronoun) ∝ P(pronoun | referent) × P(referent)

They propose two independent factors:

This predicts thematic roles should NOT affect pronominalization rate. @cite{rosa-arnold-2017} directly challenges this independence: goals get more pronouns than sources even controlling for grammatical role, showing P(pronoun | referent) is also sensitive to thematic role predictability.

Connection to @cite{arnold-wasow-losongco-ginstrom-2000} #

The same verb ("give"), the same construction (dative/transfer), but different dependent variables: Arnold et al. (2000) study position (heavy NP shift, dative alternation), Rosa & Arnold (2017) study form (pronoun vs name). Both are production choices along the same NP weight/reduction dimension.

Thematic role of the referent in a transfer verb event.

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      Grammatical role of the referent in the prior sentence.

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          Gender match between referents (affects ambiguity of pronouns).

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              Experimental paradigm.

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                  Experimental condition: fully crossed design.

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                          Pronoun rate data point: percentage of pronoun use in a condition.

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                                                          Next-mention rating: percentage of participants choosing this role as the character most likely to be talked about next.

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                                                              71% of raters chose the goal character as most likely to be mentioned next (t(19)=4.91, p<.0001).

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                                                                Thematic role (goal: 71%) is a stronger next-mention predictor than grammatical role (subject: 54%). This supports the paper's core claim that predictability driven by thematic roles matters for production.

                                                                Goal > Source in pronoun rate: verified in every paradigm. Exp 1: 64 vs 37 (subject, different-gender). Exp 2: 55 vs 33 (nonsubject, different-gender). Exp 3: 33 vs 10 (nonsubject, same-gender — strongest interaction cell).

                                                                Subject > Nonsubject in pronoun rate (orthogonal to thematic role). Exp 1: 64 vs 31 for goals.

                                                                Coherence relation categories used in Exp 2 coding.

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                                                                    Exp 2 coherence interaction: Goal vs Source effect by coherence category. Occasion/Result: β=1.22 (0.40), t=3.06, p=.002 — significant. Other: β=0.86 (0.55), t=1.56, p=.12 — not significant.

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                                                                          @cite{kehler-rohde-2013}'s independence hypothesis: P(pronoun | referent) depends only on grammatical/topichood status, NOT on thematic role or coherence-driven predictability.

                                                                          This predicts that pronominalization rate should be constant across thematic roles when grammatical role is held constant.

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                                                                            @cite{rosa-arnold-2017}'s challenge: goals get more pronouns than sources even in the same grammatical position. This violates the independence hypothesis. Verified in Exp 1 subject condition.

                                                                            Goal → pronoun, Source → name: the predicted referential form for transfer verb arguments follows from next-mention bias.

                                                                            Occasion relations focus on the end state of the previous event. For transfer verbs, the Goal is the endpoint — the entity in the final state after transfer. This is why Occasion/Result coherence amplifies the Goal bias.

                                                                            Occasion is a contiguity relation; Result is cause–effect. Both focus on what happens AFTER the event, favoring the Goal.

                                                                            The same transfer verb "give" is studied for both referential form (@cite{rosa-arnold-2017}) and constituent ordering (@cite{arnold-wasow-losongco-ginstrom-2000}). Pronouns are more reduced than names on the accessibility scale, and at most as heavy by word count. The referential form choice connects to ordering:

                                                                            Rosa & Arnold: Goal → pronoun (reduced) Arnold et al. 2000: light/reduced NP → early position

                                                                            Together: Goal → pronoun → early position. The referential form choice mediates between thematic role and syntactic position.

                                                                            The goal argument receives a MORE REDUCED referential form than the source argument. This derived contrast — not the individual predictions — is the empirical content of @cite{rosa-arnold-2017}.

                                                                            The same reduction asymmetry creates a weight asymmetry: goal arguments surface as lighter NPs (pronouns) while source arguments surface as heavier NPs (names). @cite{arnold-wasow-losongco-ginstrom-2000} prove that exactly this weight dimension independently predicts constituent ordering in dative constructions with the same verb. So thematic roles affect ordering through referential form reduction.

                                                                            @cite{arnold-wasow-losongco-ginstrom-2000} show that heaviness and newness BOTH independently predict ordering. @cite{rosa-arnold-2017} show thematic roles affect BOTH form (the heaviness dimension) and predictability (the newness dimension). Thematic roles therefore have a dual path to constituent ordering:

                                                                            Path 1 (via form): θ-role → form reduction → lighter NP → earlier Path 2 (via predictability): θ-role → next-mention bias → given-like → earlier

                                                                            This theorem derives the existence of both paths: the goal/source contrast produces different predicted forms (Path 1 input), and goals are more predictable than sources (Path 2 input). Arnold et al. confirm that both receiving dimensions independently matter.

                                                                            @cite{kehler-rohde-2013}'s Bayesian decomposition predicts that P(pronoun | referent) depends only on topichood, not on semantic factors like thematic role. This study directly violates that prediction: goals get more pronouns than sources in the same grammatical position (Exp 1: 64% vs 37% for subjects).

                                                                            The violation connects to K&R's Table 9 data, which shows that P(pronoun | referent) DOES vary with topichood (passive subject 87% vs active subject 62%). Rosa & Arnold extend this: thematic roles also contribute to topichood/predictability, not just syntactic construction.

                                                                            K&R's Table 2 shows that Occasion and Result are Goal-biased (18% and 8% Source respectively). This study's Exp 2 coherence interaction confirms: Occasion/Result continuations amplify the goal bias (β=1.22, p=.002), while Other coherence (including Explanation, which K&R show is Source-biased at 80%) does not reach significance (β=0.86, p=.12). The coherence-specific biases from K&R's passage completion data predict the interaction pattern in this study's sentence completion data.