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Linglib.Phenomena.Ergativity.Studies.Bohnemeyer2004

Bohnemeyer 2004: Split Intransitivity in Yukatek Maya #

@cite{bohnemeyer-2004}

Split intransitivity in Yukatek Maya is governed by event structure — specifically the distinction between internally- and externally-caused events — rather than by lexical aspect alone (contra @cite{kraemer-wunderlich-1999}).

Core Claims #

  1. Three semantic information structures: event structure, participant structure, and lexical aspect. Event structure partially determines both; linking rules operate on event structure directly.

  2. Internal causation determines transitivization type: internally-caused bases → applicative -t (add applied object as U); externally-caused bases → causative -s (add instigator as A).

  3. Linking-by-viewpoint: imperfective aspect aligns with the head of the causal chain (accusative default); perfective aligns with the tail (ergative default).

Against Aspect-Based Linking #

@cite{kraemer-wunderlich-1999} propose lexical aspect as the sole linking-relevant property. Two classes of counterevidence:

Position in the causal chain of subevents. A complex event decomposes into subevents ordered in a causal chain. Thematic relations are projected from this chain.

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      Thematic hierarchy from causal chain position. rule (31): participant of a causing subevent outranks participant of the caused subevent.

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        Which end of the causal chain provides the linking default. §7 rule (32):

        • Imperfective viewpoints align with the initial (causing) subevent → the highest-ranking role defines the default → accusative pattern.
        • Perfective viewpoints align with the final (caused) subevent or the chain as a whole → the lowest-ranking role defines the default → ergative pattern.
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          The linking-by-viewpoint mechanism derives the Yukatek split: perfective status → ergative (set-B), imperfective → accusative (set-A). This matches the observed pattern in the fragment.

          Type of transitivization operation, determined by the causation type of the intransitive base (§6, rules 26–27).

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              The causation type of the intransitive base determines which transitivization operation applies.

              rules (26)–(27):

              • Internally caused base (sing, walk, play): -t applicative, adding an applied object. The original S keeps its position.
              • Externally caused base (die, fall, roll): -s causative, adding an instigator as A. The original S is reassigned to U.
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                Under applicative transitivization, the added participant is linked to U (set-B) and the original S keeps A (set-A). Under causative transitivization, the added instigator takes A (set-A) and the original S moves to U (set-B).

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                  "work" (internally caused active) → applicative transitivization. ex. (4): Túun meyah ich u=kòol → 'He's working on his milpa' Túun meyah-t-ik u=kòol → 'He's making his milpa'

                  "die" (inactive, externally caused) → causative. ex. (6): Túun kim-il Pedro → 'Pedro's dying' Juan=e' túun kim-s-ik Pedro → 'Juan is killing Pedro'

                  "roll" (active class but externally caused) → causative transitivization. Despite being an active verb (same stem class as "work"), balak' shows causative linking because its base is not internally caused. ex. (10), (22): the original S is linked to U, and the added participant is the instigator linked to A.

                  All positional verbs transitivize with causative linking, since they denote externally-caused state changes at the event-structure level. Control is a participant-structure property, not an event-structure one. ex. (25), §6.

                  Degree achievements are event-structurally state changes, not processes, even though they behave atelically.

                  §5: ka'n 'get tired' passes state-change diagnostics (resultative -a'n, universal quantifier láah) despite being atelic in the realization-under-cessation test.

                  Degree achievements transitivize like state-change verbs (causative), not like process verbs.

                  This is the first direct counterevidence against @cite{kraemer-wunderlich-1999}'s aspect-based linking: rule (14) predicts applicative for degree achievements (since they are [-perf] bases), but they exclusively causativize. ex. (21).

                  The process/state-change distinction is orthogonal to causation type for active verbs: both internally-caused (meyah) and externally-caused (balak') actives are processes, but they differ in transitivization.

                  This is the core argument of: linking under transitivization depends on causation type, not event type or aspect.

                  Conversely, verbs with the same causation type but different stem classes get the same transitivization — because it is causation, not class membership, that determines linking.

                  kim (inactive) and balak (active) are both externally caused → both causativize.

                  hàan "eat" is inactive by stem class but internally caused. ex. (9): hàan takes applicative -t (not causative -s), exactly as predicted by internal causation.

                  This directly refutes stem-class-based linking: if stem class determined transitivization, hàan (inactive) would causativize like kim "die". Instead, it applicativizes like meyah "work".

                  hàan patterns with internally-caused active verbs, not with its own (inactive) stem class, for transitivization.

                  Internal causation corresponds to the Proto-Agent "causation" entailment in @cite{dowty-1991}'s framework: an internally-caused event has a participant who causes (instigates) the event.

                  §2: internal causation is "closely correlated with the properties of control and agentivity."

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                    Internally caused verbs predict a Proto-Agent subject (has causation entailment); externally caused verbs predict a Proto-Patient subject (lacks causation entailment). This connects Bohnemeyer's event-structure analysis to Dowty's ASP.

                    Detransitivization type in Yukatek, from rules (28)–(30).

                    • Antipassive (rule 28): removes the caused event, retaining the causing process. Active intransitives inflect like antipassive stems.
                    • Anticausative (rule 29): removes the causing event, retaining the caused state/change. Inactive intransitives inflect like anticausative stems.
                    • Passive (rule 30): like anticausative but adds PROC_C and instigator to the caused event.
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                        Active transitive stems detransitivize like antipassive; inactive transitive stems detransitivize like anticausative or passive. ex. (12): p'eh "chip" → antipassive p'èeh, passive p'e'h-el, anticausative p'éeh-el.

                        Detransitivization as a template-level operation. rules (28)–(30) decompose detransitivization in terms of which subevent is retained:

                        • Antipassive: retain the causing process → accomplishment → activity
                        • Anticausative: retain the caused change → accomplishment → achievement
                        • Passive: like anticausative but adds PROC_C + instigator (same template output as anticausative, with additional participant structure)
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                          Antipassive yields a process (activity); anticausative/passive yield a state change (achievement). This connects to the event type distinction that governs verb class membership.

                          Anticausative template result matches Template.intransitiveVariant from EventStructure.lean: both yield achievement from accomplishment.

                          Yukatek's split is aspect-conditioned, like Hindi and Georgian. All three use perfective → ergative, imperfective → accusative (modulo language-specific factor types).