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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Lexical.Verb.EventStructure

Canonical event structure templates. The first four are from @cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-1998}. motionContact is from @cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-2024} for the sweep/rub/scrape class: [x MOVE y] WHILE [x CONTACT y].

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      Predicted Vendler class for each template (derived from profile).

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        Templates with complex internal structure — multiple sub-events connected by CAUSE or embedding BECOME — license scopal ambiguities that mono-eventive templates do not.

        At the template level, three diagnostics from @cite{dowty-1979} reduce
        to two structural properties already defined above:
        
        1. ***again*/*re-* ambiguity** tracks `hasResultState`: templates
           embedding [BECOME [STATE]] allow restitutive readings where a
           scopal modifier targets just the result sub-event.
        2. **Negation over CAUSE** (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009}) tracks
           `hasCause`: negation can scope narrowly over CAUSE, denying
           the causal link while maintaining the result.
        3. **"By itself" licensing** (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009}) also tracks
           `hasCause`: "without outside help" requires CAUSE in the meaning.
        
        @cite{krejci-2012}'s insight is that some verbs assigned simpler templates
        (eat, wash, dress, learn) nonetheless pass all three diagnostics — evidence
        that they have bieventive, causative event structures in their simple forms.
        This verb-level property is captured in `RootTypology` and `ArgDerivation`,
        not at the template level here. 
        

        Does the template embed a result state under BECOME? Templates with [BECOME [STATE]] have a sub-event boundary that scopal modifiers (again, re-, almost) can target independently.

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          CAUSE implies a result state (accomplishment embeds BECOME).

          Causative/Inchoative Alternation #

          The accomplishment template [[x ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [y STATE]]]
          has an intransitive variant: the achievement [BECOME [x STATE]],
          obtained by stripping the external cause. This is the
          event-structural core of the causative/inchoative alternation
          (@cite{krejci-2012}; @cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-1998}).
          
          Whether the intransitive variant is *monoeventive* (true
          anticausative) or *bieventive* (reflexive, with coidentification
          of causer and causee) is a language- and verb-specific property
          formalized in `MorphologicalCausation.IntransitivizationType`. 
          

          The intransitive variant retains the result state (BECOME STATE survives stripping of ACT CAUSE).

          The intransitive variant loses CAUSE.

          Only accomplishments have an intransitive variant (only templates with CAUSE can undergo the alternation).

          motionContact subject has the same profile as basic sweep (movement + IE, underspecified for agentivity).

          For motionContact verbs, which sub-predicate determines argument realization (@cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-2024} §3.3–3.4).

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              When CONTACT determines argument realization, the subject is an effector (movement + IE → external argument). This yields the simple transitive frame: "The wind swept the deck".

              Instrument lexicalization adds agentivity to a template by restricting the moving entity to a specific instrument, forcing volition + sentience

              • causation. The result is the broom-sweep subject profile.
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                Instrument lexicalization strictly increases agentivity for motionContact templates (@cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-2024} §3.5: broom-sweep is more agentive than basic sweep).

                Lexicalized motionContact has full proto-agent profile (5 entailments).

                Levin classes map to event structure templates via meaning components. The core correspondence (@cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-1998} §3; @cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-2010} §2):

                | Meaning component pattern | Template | Example class |
                |---|---|---|
                | CoS + causation | accomplishment | break (45.1), destroy (44) |
                | CoS, no causation | achievement | appear (48.1), calve (28) |
                | No CoS, no motion | state | exist (47.1), admire (31.2) |
                | Otherwise | activity | hit (18.1), run (51.3) |
                
                The `motionContact` template is specific to the sweep/rub/scrape
                class and requires a class-specific override. 
                

                The fundamental binary distinction in event types: whether a predicate encodes a process (PROC only) or a state change (involves CHANGE).

                This crosscuts Vendler's four-way classification: degree achievements are Vendler activities or accomplishments depending on scale boundedness but are event-structurally state-change predicates (@cite{bohnemeyer-2004} §5).

                @cite{bohnemeyer-2004} argues this is the primary semantic distinction governing verb classification in Yukatek Maya — more fundamental than Vendler classes for predicting argument linking and transitivization.

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                    Whether a process is internally caused — the event is instigated by a participant — or externally caused — occurring "spontaneously" without an instigator.

                    This is a per-verb property of the ROOT, not of the template. Two activity verbs can differ: sing (internal) vs roll (external).

                    @cite{levin-hovav-1995} §4; @cite{bohnemeyer-2004} §2,6.

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                        Predicted event structure template from meaning components.

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                          Verification: canonical quadruple #

                          Change-of-state classes → accomplishment #

                          Motion classes → activity #

                          Stative classes → state #

                          Achievement classes #

                          Special: motionContact #

                          Template → aspectual class consistency #