Grano 2024: Intention Reports and Eventuality Abstraction @cite{grano-2024} #
Cross-linguistic mood choice data and bridge theorems connecting @cite{grano-2024}'s analysis of intention reports to the mood and attitude infrastructure.
Core Proposal (three premises → conclusion) #
- Premise 1: Intention reports encode causally self-referential content (@cite{searle-1983}; Harman 1976)
- Premise 2: Encoding causal self-reference requires abstraction over the complement clause's eventuality argument (CAUSE* binds it)
- Premise 3: Only subjunctive and nonfinite clauses enable eventuality abstraction; indicative clauses existentially close the event argument
- Conclusion: 'intend' accepts subjunctive/nonfinite but rejects indicative complements cross-linguistically
Table 1: Cross-Linguistic Mood Choice #
The central empirical finding: 'intend' patterns with 'want' (not 'hope') in robustly rejecting indicative complements. 'hope' exhibits cross-linguistic and language-internal variation; 'intend' does not.
Independent support comes from causative predicates ('make'), intention-rigid predicates ('aim', 'try'), belief–intention hybrid predicates ('decide', 'convince'), aspectual predicates ('begin'), and memory/perception reports ('remember', 'see'). All pattern alike: subjunctive/nonfinite required, indicative rejected.
Unified Theory (§7) #
Subjunctive mood uniformly signals a departure from the default clausal semantics of unembedded assertions. Two kinds of departure:
- Comparison (ordering semantics): 'want', 'hope' (@cite{portner-rubinstein-2020})
- Eventuality abstraction: 'intend', causatives, aspectuals (this paper)
When neither departure is present, only indicative mood is possible.
A mood choice observation: whether a predicate in a language rejects indicative complements (@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1).
This is the key variable: 'want' and 'intend' robustly reject IND across languages, while 'hope' does not.
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.instBEqMoodChoiceDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.spanish_want = { language := "Spanish", predicate := "querer", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.french_want = { language := "French", predicate := "vouloir", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.portuguese_want = { language := "Portuguese", predicate := "querer", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.italian_want = { language := "Italian", predicate := "volere", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.greek_want = { language := "Greek", predicate := "thélo", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.romanian_want = { language := "Romanian", predicate := "a vrea", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.english_want = { language := "English", predicate := "want", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.spanish_hope = { language := "Spanish", predicate := "esperar", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.french_hope = { language := "French", predicate := "espérer", rejectsIndicative := false }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.portuguese_hope = { language := "Portuguese", predicate := "esperar", rejectsIndicative := false }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.italian_hope = { language := "Italian", predicate := "sperare", rejectsIndicative := false }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.greek_hope = { language := "Greek", predicate := "elpízo", rejectsIndicative := false }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.romanian_hope = { language := "Romanian", predicate := "a spera", rejectsIndicative := false }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.english_hope = { language := "English", predicate := "hope", rejectsIndicative := false }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.spanish_intend = { language := "Spanish", predicate := "tener la intención", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.portuguese_intend = { language := "Portuguese", predicate := "pretender", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.greek_intend = { language := "Greek", predicate := "protíthete", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.romanian_intend = { language := "Romanian", predicate := "a intenționa", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.english_intend = { language := "English", predicate := "intend", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.spanish_make = { language := "Spanish", predicate := "hacer", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.french_make = { language := "French", predicate := "faire", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.portuguese_make = { language := "Portuguese", predicate := "fazer", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.italian_make = { language := "Italian", predicate := "fare", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.greek_make = { language := "Greek", predicate := "vázo", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.romanian_make = { language := "Romanian", predicate := "a face", rejectsIndicative := true }
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.english_make = { language := "English", predicate := "make", rejectsIndicative := true }
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'want' robustly rejects indicative across all 7 languages.
'hope' does NOT robustly reject indicative — it varies (IND accepted in French, Portuguese, Italian, Greek, Romanian, English).
'intend' robustly rejects indicative (where testable).
Causatives robustly reject indicative (§2.4).
'intend' patterns with 'want', not 'hope', on indicative rejection. This is the central empirical finding (@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1).
Causatives pattern with 'intend' and 'want' (not 'hope'). Independent support for the eventuality abstraction analysis (§2.4).
The deriveMoodSelector function correctly classifies 'want' as robustly subjunctive-selecting, matching the cross-linguistic data.
The deriveMoodSelector function correctly classifies 'hope' as cross-linguistically variable, matching the data showing variation.
Indicative mood closes the eventuality argument. Therefore, predicates requiring eventuality abstraction (CAUSE* binds the event variable) reject indicative complements.
This is the formal correlate of @cite{grano-2024}'s argument chain: Premise 2 (CAUSE* needs open event arg) + Premise 3 (IND closes it) → Conclusion (intention reports reject IND).
Subjunctive mood leaves the eventuality argument open, enabling CAUSE* to bind it. This is why 'intend' and causatives accept SBJV.
The three-premise argument chain:
intentionHoldsrequires P : E → W → Ev Time → Prop (open event arg)- IND closes the event argument (eventualityOpen = false)
- SBJV leaves it open (eventualityOpen = true) → intention reports require SBJV, reject IND
@cite{grano-2024} §7 proposes that subjunctive mood uniformly signals a departure from the default clausal semantics of unembedded assertions. Two kinds of departure trigger SBJV:
- Comparison: ordering semantics with two modal backgrounds (want, hope; @cite{portner-rubinstein-2020})
- Eventuality abstraction: open event argument for CAUSE* or aspect (intend, causatives, aspectuals; this paper)
Predicates like 'hope' involve comparison only (variable mood). Predicates like 'want' involve comparison (robust SBJV: simplification blocked because 'want' does not allow inconsistent prejacents). Predicates like 'intend' involve both comparison and eventuality abstraction (robust SBJV: IND is type-incompatible with CAUSE*). Predicates like 'believe' involve neither → indicative only.
- comparisonSimplifiable : DepartureKind
- comparisonNonSimplifiable : DepartureKind
- eventualityAbstraction : DepartureKind
- comparisonAndAbstraction : DepartureKind
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Map departure kind to mood selection prediction.
@cite{grano-2024} §7: both comparison and eventuality abstraction are departures from the default clausal semantics that trigger SBJV. The key empirical difference:
- Comparison alone: SBJV is expected, but Portner & Rubinstein's simplification of two modal backgrounds into one can license IND in some languages (French espérer). This yields cross-linguistic variation for 'hope'-type verbs.
- Eventuality abstraction (± comparison): SBJV is robust because IND existentially closes the event argument, making it type-incompatible with CAUSE* / aspect / perception. No simplification can rescue IND here.
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.DepartureKind.comparisonSimplifiable.moodPrediction = Semantics.Mood.MoodSelector.crossLinguisticallyVariable
- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.DepartureKind.comparisonNonSimplifiable.moodPrediction = Semantics.Mood.MoodSelector.subjunctiveSelecting
- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.DepartureKind.eventualityAbstraction.moodPrediction = Semantics.Mood.MoodSelector.subjunctiveSelecting
- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.DepartureKind.comparisonAndAbstraction.moodPrediction = Semantics.Mood.MoodSelector.subjunctiveSelecting
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Eventuality abstraction robustly predicts subjunctive selection (IND is type-incompatible with open event argument).
Simplifiable comparison allows cross-linguistic variation (the 'hope' pattern). Per @cite{portner-rubinstein-2020}: when two modal backgrounds can simplify to one, IND becomes available.
Non-simplifiable comparison robustly predicts SBJV (the 'want' pattern). 'want' blocks simplification: it does not tolerate inconsistent prejacents ((50), (60)), so both modal backgrounds must remain.
'intend' (comparison + abstraction) patterns with 'want' (non-simplifiable comparison), not with 'hope' (simplifiable comparison). This is the central prediction: all three involve comparison, but eventuality abstraction independently blocks IND.
§6.1 Intention-Rigid Predicates #
Predicates that obligatorily encode intention: aim, try, endeavor, strive, seek. All share 'intend's causally self-referential, goal-oriented property and, as predicted, reject indicative complements ((90)–(91)).
§6.2 Belief-Intention Hybrid Predicates #
Predicates like 'decide', 'convince', 'persuade' report either belief or intention formation depending on complement type ((96)–(97)):
- Nonfinite complement → intention reading → requires SBJV/nonfinite
- Finite complement → belief reading → allows IND
This is exactly the complement-size-driven alternation that @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026} formalizes for Italian convincere.
§6.3 Aspectual Predicates #
Aspect is inherently event-related and requires eventuality abstraction. Aspectual predicates (begin, start, stop, continue) accept nonfinite/SBJV complements but reject finite indicative complements ((115)–(119)).
§6.4 Memory and Perception Reports #
'remember' + gerund = event construal (eventuality abstraction); 'remember' + that-clause = propositional construal (no abstraction). 'see' + bare infinitive = event perception; 'see' + that-clause = indirect evidence. ((120)–(127))
Intention-rigid predicates reject IND like 'intend' (§6.1, (91)). 'try' is in the English fragment; it takes infinitival complements and has no alternate finite complement type.
'persuade' is a hybrid predicate: nonfinite complement with object control → intention reading. This matches @cite{grano-2024} §6.2 (96).
'promise' is a hybrid predicate: nonfinite complement with subject control → intention (commissive). Matches §6.2 (98a).
Aspectual predicates are phasal (cosType.isSome) and take gerund complements in English, consistent with requiring eventuality abstraction (§6.3, (115)–(116)). In Romance, these take infinitival or subjunctive complements ((117)–(119)).
'see' takes NP complements primarily (bare perception), with factive presupposition. The bare infinitive (eventive, §6.4 (124)) vs that-clause (propositional, §6.4 (125)) alternation tracks eventuality abstraction.
'decide' is a hybrid predicate: nonfinite complement → intention, finite complement → belief (@cite{grano-2024} §6.2, (96)–(97)). Like 'persuade' and 'convince', the complement type determines whether the reading is intentional or propositional.
'remember' takes infinitival (implicative/eventive, §6.4 (120)). The gerund construal enables event memory; the that-clause enables propositional memory ((120)–(121)).
Complement Size → Reading → Mood #
@cite{grano-2024}'s hybrid predicate analysis (§6.2) and @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}'s complement-size analysis make the same prediction: the complement's structural size determines whether the reading is intentional (requiring eventuality abstraction → SBJV) or propositional (existentially closed → IND-compatible).
The connection: Fusco & Sgrizzi's readingFromSize maps complement
sizes to readings; Grano's DepartureKind maps readings to mood
predictions. Together they form an end-to-end chain:
complement size → reading → departure kind → mood prediction
Map a rational attitude reading to a departure kind.
Intention readings require eventuality abstraction (CAUSE* binds the event argument). Belief readings involve neither comparison nor eventuality abstraction — they are the default clausal semantics.
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- Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.Grano2024.readingToDeparture Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading.belief = none
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Intention readings predict robust subjunctive selection.
Belief readings predict no departure (default = indicative).
End-to-end: sub-CP complement → intention → eventuality abstraction → robust subjunctive selection.
End-to-end: CP complement → belief → no departure → no SBJV requirement (default = indicative).
'want' involves non-simplifiable comparison (robust SBJV).
'hope' involves simplifiable comparison (variable mood).
'intend' involves both comparison and eventuality abstraction (robust SBJV).
Causatives involve eventuality abstraction (robust SBJV).
Fragment Entry ↔ Datum Consistency #
The cross-linguistic fragment files encode verb properties that should be consistent with the mood choice data. For predicates in the want-class (levinClass = .want), the datum should have rejectsIndicative = true. For predicates NOT in the want-class (like 'hope'), the mood variability is captured by deriveMoodSelector returning .crossLinguisticallyVariable.