Spanish Mood-Choice Verb Entries @cite{grano-2024} #
Minimal verb entries for Spanish attitude and causative predicates relevant to cross-linguistic mood choice (@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1).
Spanish robustly rejects indicative under 'want', 'hope', 'intend', and 'make' — all four take subjunctive or nonfinite complements.
Key examples (from @cite{grano-2024}) #
- (1a) Victoria quiere que Marcela venga/*viene al picnic. (SBJV/*IND)
- (9) Espero que mi hermano viniera/*vino ayer. (SBJV/*IND)
- (25) Tengo la intención de que Juan vaya/*va/*irá al parque hoy. (SBJV)
- (40) Hice que Juan fuera/*fue al parque. (SBJV/*IND)
querer 'want' — robustly subjunctive-selecting. @cite{grano-2024}, (1a): SBJV required, IND rejected.
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esperar 'hope' — subjunctive in Spanish (unlike Portuguese/French). @cite{grano-2024}, (9): SBJV required, IND rejected.
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tener la intención (de) 'intend' — robustly rejects indicative. @cite{grano-2024}, (25): SBJV required in non-control complements. Periphrastic form (nominal predicate).
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hacer 'make' — causative, robustly subjunctive-selecting. @cite{grano-2024}, (40): SBJV required, IND rejected. Infinitival complements with object control.
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convencer 'convince' — hybrid predicate (§6.2, (102)–(103)). SBJV complement → intention: "Wendy convenció a Paula de que le pidiera un aumento al jefe" (SBJV) IND complement → belief: "Alice convenció a Emily de que estaba diciendo la verdad" (IND)
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Spanish mood asymmetry: querer and tener la intención share want-class; esperar does not. Unlike Portuguese/French/Italian, Spanish 'hope' ALSO robustly rejects IND (Table 1), so the asymmetry is structural, not empirically visible in mood choice.