Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Syntax.Minimalism.Ellipsis.DeletionDomain

Ellipsis: [E] Features and Deletion Domains #

@cite{merchant-2001} @cite{merchant-2013} @cite{benz-salzmann-2025}

The [E] feature on a functional head triggers PF-deletion of the head's complement and presupposes e-GIVENness (@cite{merchant-2001}). Different ellipsis types correspond to different [E] positions in a functional spine.

Generic Framework (DeletionSpine) #

The deletion-domain mechanism is domain-general: the same theory governs clausal ellipsis (VP-ellipsis, sluicing) and nominal ellipsis (NP-ellipsis, N-stranding). The DeletionSpine class captures the shared structure:

Two instances:

Clausal Ellipsis (@cite{merchant-2013}) #

Voice mismatch tolerance tracks the height of ellipsis:

Nominal Ellipsis (@cite{benz-salzmann-2025}) #

Variable [E] placement in the nominal spine:

Monotonicity (@cite{sailor-2014}'s Generalization) #

Lower [E] position → smaller deletion domain → more features external → more mismatches tolerated. This is a strict monotonicity proved generically for all DeletionSpine instances.

A deletion spine: a finite set of positions in a functional spine equipped with a deletion-domain relation and structural ordering.

Both clausal spines (V, v, Voice, T, C) and nominal spines (N, n, Num, D) are instances. The class captures the domain-general logic of @cite{merchant-2001}'s [E]-feature theory:

  • [E] on head H → complement of H (everything isBelow H) is deleted
  • Monotonicity: lower [E] → smaller deletion domain
  • Irreflexivity: H itself is never in its own deletion domain
  • isBelow : ααBool

    isBelow p₁ p₂ = true iff p₁ is in the deletion domain when [E] is at p₂. Encodes the complement-of relation, NOT simple structural ordering — adjunction sites may be structurally between two heads without being in the lower head's complement.

  • isAtOrBelow : ααBool

    isAtOrBelow p₁ p₂ = true iff p₁ is structurally at or below p₂. A simple linear ordering used for monotonicity reasoning.

  • isBelow_irrefl (p : α) : isBelow p p = false

    No position is in its own deletion domain.

  • isBelow_mono (d p₁ p₂ : α) : isBelow d p₁ = falseisAtOrBelow p₂ p₁ = trueisBelow d p₂ = false

    If d is external (not below) at p₁, it is external at any lower p₂. This is @cite{sailor-2014}'s monotonicity generalization.

Instances
    def Minimalism.Ellipsis.inDomain {α : Type} [DeletionSpine α] (c ePos : α) :

    Generic: is position c in the deletion domain of [E] at ePos?

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      Generic: a mismatch at head position dPos is tolerated under [E] at ePos iff dPos is external (not in the deletion domain).

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        theorem Minimalism.Ellipsis.eHead_external {α : Type} [DeletionSpine α] (ePos : α) :
        inDomain ePos ePos = false

        The [E]-bearing head is always external to its own deletion domain.

        theorem Minimalism.Ellipsis.toleratesMismatch_mono {α : Type} [DeletionSpine α] (dPos ePos₁ ePos₂ : α) (h₁ : toleratesMismatch ePos₁ dPos = true) (h₂ : DeletionSpine.isAtOrBelow ePos₂ ePos₁ = true) :
        toleratesMismatch ePos₂ dPos = true

        Generic monotonicity: if a mismatch is tolerated at ePos₁, it is tolerated at any structurally lower ePos₂. @cite{sailor-2014}'s generalization, proved once for all spines.

        theorem Minimalism.Ellipsis.xStranding {α : Type} [DeletionSpine α] (ePos base : α) (h_base_in_domain : DeletionSpine.isBelow base ePos = true) :
        inDomain ePos ePos = false inDomain base ePos = true

        X-stranding (@cite{liptak-saab-2014}): if X has moved from base to the [E]-bearing head at ePos, X is external (survives ellipsis) while its base position is deleted.

        This is the abstract core of the X-stranding diagnostic for head movement: X-stranding XP-ellipsis exists in a language iff both X-movement and XP-ellipsis exist independently.

        Instances:

        • V-stranding VPE: V moves to v, [E] on v → V survives, VP deleted
        • N-stranding NP-ellipsis: N moves to n, [E] on n → N survives, NP deleted

        Positions in the clausal spine, ordered from lowest to highest. This is a deliberately coarse-grained linear order sufficient for ellipsis domain computation. It does not replace Cat or ExtendedProjection; it captures the relative height relevant to Merchant's deletion-domain theory.

        VP_adj encodes VP-adjunction — the attachment site of restitutive again and result-state modifiers. Structurally below v but NOT in v's complement: adjuncts to XP are part of the XP projection but not selected by the head that takes XP as complement. This matters for vVPE (@cite{kalyakin-2026}): VP-adjuncts survive when [E] is on v (complement of v = bare VP, excluding adjuncts) but are deleted when [E] is on Voice (complement of Voice = full vP, including VP-adjuncts).

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            Strict "in deletion domain of" relation on spine positions.

            isBelow p₁ p₂ means "p₁ is inside the deletion domain when [E] is at p₂." This is NOT a simple structural ordering — it encodes the complement-vs-adjunction distinction:

            • V.isBelow .v = true: V is in v's complement (VP)
            • VP_adj.isBelow .v = false: VP-adjuncts are NOT in v's complement
            • VP_adj.isBelow .Voice = true: VP-adjuncts ARE inside Voice's complement (vP contains the full VP projection including adjuncts)

            This distinction is what makes vVPE (@cite{kalyakin-2026}) predict both again readings survive: restitutive again (VP-adjoined) is outside the complement of v but inside vP.

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              Structural height comparison (non-strict). Used for monotonicity: p₁.isAtOrBelow p₂ means p₁ is structurally at or below p₂. Unlike isBelow, this IS a simple linear ordering with VP_adj between V and v. Fully pattern-matched to avoid BEq reduction issues in proofs.

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                An ellipsis type is defined by the spine position of the [E]-bearing head. The deletion domain is the complement of that head — everything strictly below it in the spine.

                • ePosition : SpinePos

                  The head carrying [E]

                • name : String

                  Label for display

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                    Is a spine position inside the deletion domain of an ellipsis type? A position is in the deletion domain iff it is strictly below the [E]-bearing head.

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                      Sluicing: [E] on C, deletes TP. Contains Voice → voice mismatch blocked.

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                        TP ellipsis: [E] on T, deletes VoiceP.

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                          English VPE: [E] on Voice, deletes vP. Voice is external → voice mismatch tolerated. v is internal → transitivity mismatch blocked.

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                            v-stranding VPE: [E] on v, deletes VP. Both Voice and v are external → voice and transitivity mismatches OK. Attested in Muira Dargwa complex predicates (@cite{kalyakin-2026}).

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                              A mismatch dimension: a syntactic feature whose head position determines whether mismatches in that feature are tolerated.

                              • name : String

                                Label for the dimension

                              • headPosition : SpinePos

                                The spine position of the head bearing this feature

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                                  Voice mismatch: active vs. passive, determined by Voice head.

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                                    Transitivity mismatch: transitive v vs. unaccusative v.

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                                      Lexical verb mismatch: different V heads.

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                                        Dative alternation: double-object vs prepositional dative. Regulated by distinct v heads below Voice (@cite{merchant-2013} §3.3).

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                                          Applicative/prepositional alternation: embroider X with Y vs embroider Y on X. Regulated by applicative v heads below Voice (@cite{merchant-2013} §3.3).

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                                            Transitive/middle alternation: they market ethanol vs ethanol markets well. Regulated by v heads determining external argument realization (@cite{merchant-2013} §3.3).

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                                              A mismatch in dimension d is tolerated by ellipsis type e iff the head bearing the feature is NOT in the deletion domain — i.e., it is at or above the [E]-bearing head.

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                                                English VPE tolerates voice mismatches: Voice is external to vP.

                                                English VPE blocks transitivity mismatches: v is inside vP.

                                                English VPE blocks lexical verb mismatches: V is inside vP.

                                                Sluicing blocks voice mismatches: Voice is inside TP.

                                                Sluicing blocks transitivity mismatches: v is inside TP.

                                                vVPE tolerates voice mismatches: Voice is external to VP.

                                                vVPE tolerates transitivity mismatches: v is external to VP.

                                                vVPE blocks lexical verb mismatches: V is inside VP.

                                                Monotonicity of mismatch tolerance: if ellipsis type e₁ tolerates a mismatch dimension d, then any ellipsis type e₂ whose [E] position is at or below e₁'s also tolerates d.

                                                Is a root inside the vVPE deletion domain (= VP)? Uses RootPosition from Core.Lexical.RootFeatures (Marantz 2013, @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}):

                                                • .complement roots (change-of-state) are inside VP → deleted
                                                • .adjoined roots (manner/activity) are outside VP → survive
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                                                  Complement roots (change-of-state) are deleted under vVPE.

                                                  Adjoined roots (manner/activity) survive vVPE — they are outside the deletion domain. This is why antipassive roots block vVPE in Muira Dargwa: antipassive coerces adjunction (@cite{kalyakin-2026}).

                                                  Adjunction position of again, following @cite{merchant-2013} (building on Johnson 2004, von Stechow 1996).

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                                                      Is an again reading available under a given ellipsis type?

                                                      Repetitive again adjoins high (vP or VoiceP): modeled at Voice level — outside the deletion domain of both VPE and vVPE.

                                                      Restitutive again adjoins to VP — modeled at VP_adj. This is inside vP (deleted under English VPE, [E] on Voice) but NOT inside v's complement (survives vVPE, [E] on v). The distinction between VP_adj and V is crucial: V (the head) is in v's complement, but VP-adjunction is at the complement boundary, outside it.

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                                                        Under English VPE, restitutive again is inside the deletion domain (deleted), while repetitive again survives. @cite{merchant-2013}: only repetitive reading available (Johnson 2004 exx. 49a–b).

                                                        Under vVPE, BOTH readings survive: restitutive again (VP-adjoined) is outside v's complement, so it is not deleted. @cite{kalyakin-2026} §4.1 (exx. 52a–b): both repetitive and restitutive ʔibrra 'again' are available under vVPE in Muira Dargwa. This is the key diagnostic proving the deletion domain is VP (smaller than English VPE's vP).

                                                        English VPE and vVPE agree on voice: both tolerate voice mismatches.

                                                        English VPE and vVPE diverge on transitivity: English blocks it, vVPE allows it. This is the key prediction that distinguishes the two ellipsis types.

                                                        Both block lexical verb mismatches: V is inside the deletion domain of both English VPE and vVPE.

                                                        Extended ellipsis type with cross-linguistic variation parameters. Languages with verb-stranding ellipsis vary in:

                                                        • deletion domain size (again test: VP vs vP)
                                                        • whether the Verbal Identity Requirement holds (LV must match)
                                                        • whether argument-structure alternations are tolerated
                                                        • ellipsisType : EllipsisType

                                                          The core ellipsis type (spine position of [E])

                                                        • virRequired : Bool

                                                          Verbal Identity Requirement (@cite{goldberg-2005}): antecedent and target light verbs must be identical in root and derivational morphology. Active in Persian and Bangla; inactive in Muira Dargwa.

                                                        • language : String

                                                          Language label

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                                                            Muira Dargwa vVPE: [E] on v, deletion domain = VP. Both again readings survive; arg-structure alternations tolerated; LV mismatches tolerated (@cite{kalyakin-2026} ex. 78).

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                                                              Persian vVPE: [E] on v, deletion domain = VP. Both again readings survive (@cite{toosarvandani-2009} ex. 90). But arg-structure alternations blocked (ex. 91) and LV identity required — VIR is active.

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                                                                Bangla verb-stranding: deletion domain = vP (NOT VP). Only repetitive again survives (Haldar 2021 ex. 94a–b); adjuncts CAN be interpreted in the ellipsis site (ex. 95). This means the [E] position is Voice (same as English VPE), with the LV evacuating via head movement.

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                                                                  British do ellipsis: [E] on v, deletion domain = VP. Tolerates voice mismatches (Silk 2025 ex. 97) and arg-structure alternations (ex. 98), matching Muira Dargwa vVPE.

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                                                                    Bangla has a LARGER deletion domain than Muira Dargwa: [E] on Voice (= English VPE) vs [E] on v. The again test diagnoses this: Bangla deletes restitutive again (Haldar 2021), Muira Dargwa does not.

                                                                    The again test correctly differentiates Bangla (vP domain) from Muira Dargwa (VP domain): restitutive again is deleted under Bangla's ellipsis but survives Muira Dargwa's.

                                                                    Positions in the nominal spine, ordered from lowest to highest. Parallels the clausal SpinePos for the nominal extended projection N(F0) → n(F1) → Num(F3) → D(F4).

                                                                    NP_adj parallels clausal VP_adj: the site of prenominal modifiers (adjectives in Spec of functional heads within nP) that are inside nP but NOT in n's complement (NP). This distinction matters for N-stranding NP-ellipsis (@cite{benz-salzmann-2025}): prenominal adjectives survive n[E] (outside NP) but are deleted under Num[E] (inside nP).

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                                                                        A nominal ellipsis type: [E] on a head in the nominal spine. The deletion domain is the complement of the [E]-bearing head.

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                                                                            Is a nominal position in the deletion domain?

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                                                                              Does a nominal position survive ellipsis?

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                                                                                NumP-ellipsis: [E] on D, deletes everything below D. Determiner/demonstrative survives; N, adjectives, numerals deleted.

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                                                                                  nP-ellipsis: [E] on Num, deletes nP (complement of Num). Numeral and determiner survive; N, n, and prenominal adjectives deleted. @cite{saab-2026}: Num[E] in Spanish pseudo-partitive/quantificational binominals.

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                                                                                    N-stranding NP-ellipsis: [E] on n, deletes only NP (complement of n). N survives via N-to-n head movement; prenominal adjectives survive (in nP, not NP). Postnominal dependents of N (PPs, relative clauses, genitive arguments) are in NP and are deleted. @cite{benz-salzmann-2025}: German N-stranding NP-ellipsis.

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                                                                                      Under N-stranding, NP-internal material (postnominal PPs, relatives, genitive arguments) is in the deletion domain.

                                                                                      Under N-stranding, prenominal adjectives survive: they are inside nP but NOT in n's complement (NP). @cite{benz-salzmann-2025} ex. (25): *Ich habe das schönste Auto und du das schönste Motorrad — adjective cannot be deleted.

                                                                                      Under N-stranding, the n head is external (it bears [E]). N moves here via N-to-n head movement and survives.

                                                                                      Under N-stranding, Num is external (numerals survive). @cite{benz-salzmann-2025} ex. (25b): numeral zwei cannot be deleted under N-stranding.

                                                                                      Under nP-ellipsis, N is in the deletion domain (N does not survive).

                                                                                      Under nP-ellipsis, prenominal adjectives are deleted (inside nP).

                                                                                      Under nP-ellipsis, Num is external (numerals survive). @cite{saab-2026}: the numeral/determiner remnant in Spanish pseudo-partitive ellipsis.

                                                                                      N-to-n movement instantiates generic X-stranding: N (base) is below n (landing), so when [E] is on n, N's base position is in the deletion domain but the n head (where N has moved) is external. @cite{benz-salzmann-2025}: German N-stranding NP-ellipsis.

                                                                                      V-to-v movement is the clausal analogue: V (base) is below v (landing), so when [E] is on v, V's base position is deleted but v survives. This is exactly v-stranding VPE (@cite{kalyakin-2026}).

                                                                                      The clausal and nominal X-stranding patterns are structurally identical: both are instances of the generic xStranding theorem at the F1 (categorizer) level of their respective extended projections. V:v :: N:n — the same abstract relationship.