Chierchia 2006: Domain Widening and the PSI Typology #
@cite{chierchia-2006} @cite{chierchia-2013} @cite{fox-2007} @cite{bar-lev-fox-2020} @cite{haspelmath-1997} @cite{kadmon-landman-1993} @cite{alonso-ovalle-moghiseh-2025}
Formalizes the lasting contributions of @cite{chierchia-2006} "Broaden Your Views: Implicatures of Domain Widening and the 'Logicality' of Language."
What survived to 2026 consensus #
The paper's central contribution is the parametric decomposition of polarity-sensitive items (PSIs) along two dimensions:
- Domain alternative grain: MAX (large subdomains only, even-like) vs MIN (all subdomains including singletons, antiexhaustive)
- Strengthening requirement: whether exhaustification must yield proper strengthening (result strictly stronger than plain meaning)
The specific operators (O/E/O⁻, σ/σ̃) have been superseded by Innocent Exclusion + Innocent Inclusion (@cite{fox-2007}, @cite{bar-lev-fox-2020}), but the parametric space endures as the standard cross-linguistic PSI classification.
What was superseded #
- O/E/O⁻ enrichment operators → replaced by IE + II
- σ/σ̃ as LF operators with feature checking → replaced by obligatory exhaustification and closure properties
- Recursive pragmatics as sole mechanism → pluralistic consensus (grammatical exh + RSA + team semantics)
Key result #
Each PSI class maps to a contiguous region on @cite{haspelmath-1997}'s implicational map, explaining why indefinite pronoun series cover contiguous function ranges cross-linguistically.
Theoretical engine #
The mechanism behind PSI licensing is domain widening reversal
(@cite{kadmon-landman-1993}, proved in Exhaustification.FreeChoice):
widening strengthens in DE but weakens in UE. The PSI parameter space
refines this into D-MAX (even-like) vs D-MIN (antiexhaustive) enrichment.
Domain alternative grain size.
@cite{chierchia-2006} table (76)/(94):
max: Only large subdomains. Triggers even-like enrichment (E): the speaker chose the strongest alternative she has evidence for. Pure NPIs (alcuno, mai, ever).min: All subdomains including singletons. Triggers antiexhaustive enrichment (O⁻ in 2006; IE+II in 2026): every subdomain must be satisfiable, yielding universal-like force. FCIs (any, qualsiasi, irgendein).
- max : DomainAltGrain
- min : DomainAltGrain
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The PSI profile: the 2026-consensus distillation of @cite{chierchia-2006}'s parametric PSI typology.
The original paper used σ (weak) vs σ̃ (presuppositional) for implicature freezing, and O/E/O⁻ for enrichment. These specific operators have been superseded by IE+II (@cite{bar-lev-fox-2020}), but the parameters they encode remain the standard way to classify PSIs cross-linguistically.
- grain : DomainAltGrain
Domain alternative grain (MAX vs MIN)
- obligatoryDomainAlts : Bool
Whether domain alternatives are obligatorily active
- requiresProperStrengthening : Bool
Whether exhaustification must yield proper strengthening (corresponds to @cite{chierchia-2006}'s presuppositional σ̃)
- hasScalarAlts : Bool
Whether scalar alternatives are also activated
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- Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.Chierchia2006.instBEqPSIProfile.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Pure NPIs: alcuno (Italian), mai (Italian), ever (English). D-MAX, obligatory, weak σ, no scalar.
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NPI/FCIs: English any. D-MIN, obligatory, weak σ, no scalar. NPI in DE (exhaustification vacuous), FCI under modals.
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Pure universal FCIs: Italian qualsiasi/qualunque. D-MIN, obligatory, presuppositional σ̃, no scalar. Positive polarity: proper strengthening fails in DE.
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Existential FCI (NPI/FCI): German irgendein. D-MIN, obligatory, weak σ, with scalar alts. Like any but with scalar implicatures; needs rescue mechanisms.
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Existential pure FCI: Italian uno qualsiasi. D-MIN, obligatory, presuppositional σ̃, with scalar alts.
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Connecting PSI Theory to Distributional Typology #
Each PSI class predicts an eligible region on @cite{haspelmath-1997}'s
implicational map — the set of functions where items of that class can
appear. The eligible region is derived from the PSI parameters and the
monotonicity classification of Haspelmath functions (isDE, isFC),
not hardcoded.
The derivation:
- No obligatory alts (plain indefinites): No polarity sensitivity → eligible only where neither DE licensing nor FC licensing is required.
- D-MAX, weak σ (pure NPIs): Even-like enrichment (E) is informative only in DE contexts → filter to DE functions.
- D-MAX, σ̃: Contradictory — even-like enrichment requires DE, but σ̃'s
proper strengthening fails in DE (
sigma_bold_fails_in_de) → empty. - D-MIN, weak σ (NPI/FCIs): In DE, exhaustification is vacuous → NPI; under modals, antiexhaustive → FC. Also usable in irrealis. Filter to DE ∪ FC ∪ irrealis.
- D-MIN, σ̃ (pure FCIs): Proper strengthening fails in DE → filter to FC only.
The Haspelmath functions predicted by a PSI class.
Derived from PSI parameters via the monotonicity classification of
Haspelmath functions (IndefiniteFunction.isDE, IndefiniteFunction.isFC).
Each branch filters IndefiniteFunction.all by the semantic property
that the PSI class's enrichment mechanism targets.
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Each PSI class maps to a contiguous Haspelmath region #
This is the central bridge between @cite{chierchia-2006}'s exhaustification theory and @cite{haspelmath-1997}'s typological generalization. It explains why indefinite pronoun series cover contiguous function ranges: each PSI class's eligible region is contiguous, and surface forms cover contiguous subsets of their class's region.
Pure NPI region {question..directNeg} is contiguous.
NPI/FCI region {irrealis..freeChoice} is contiguous.
Pure FCI region {comparative, freeChoice} is contiguous.
EFCI NPI/FCI has same eligible region as NPI/FCI (scalar alts don't change distributional range, only add uniqueness readings).
EFCI pure FCI has same eligible region as pure FCI.
All five PSI classes have contiguous predicted function ranges.
D-MAX + presuppositional is unattested: the combination of requiring DE contexts (D-MAX) and proper strengthening (σ̃) is contradictory, since DE contexts are exactly where strengthening fails.
Matching cross-linguistic data to PSI predictions #
Each surface form's actual Haspelmath functions (from
@cite{haspelmath-1997}'s typological data in Typology.lean) should be
a subset of its PSI class's predicted (eligible) region.
All function lists are derived from Typology.lean profiles — not
hardcoded — so changes to the typological data will break exactly the
theorems they should.
Deriving the core empirical contrast #
@cite{chierchia-2006}'s most striking prediction: Italian qualsiasi and English any differ under negation.
- "I didn't see any student" — grammatical (NPI reading)
- "Non ho visto qualsiasi studente" — marginal, only rhetorical ¬∀
This follows from requiresProperStrengthening: any (weak σ) allows
vacuous exhaustification in DE; qualsiasi (presuppositional σ̃) requires
proper strengthening, which fails in DE since the exhaustified meaning
is not strictly stronger than the plain meaning.
The paper derives two LF representations for any under negation:
- σ scopes above ¬ → freeze implicature, then negate → rhetorical reading
- σ scopes below ¬ → negate, then check implicature → NPI reading (implicature is entailed by assertion, so it vanishes)
For qualsiasi, only option (1) is available: σ̃ requires proper
strengthening, which option (2) cannot deliver (the implicature is
vacuous in DE). This is formalized as the requiresProperStrengthening
parameter blocking DE eligibility.
Every DE Haspelmath function is in the NPI/FCI eligible region. D-MIN + weak σ: exhaustification is vacuous in DE (NPI reading).
No DE Haspelmath function is in the pure FCI eligible region.
D-MIN + σ̃: proper strengthening fails in DE (sigma_bold_fails_in_de).
Every DE function is in the pure NPI eligible region. D-MAX + weak σ: even-like enrichment is informative in DE.
No FC function is in the pure NPI eligible region. D-MAX items lack antiexhaustive enrichment.
The qualsiasi/any contrast: among D-MIN items, every DE function is included by weak σ (any) and excluded by σ̃ (qualsiasi).
Connection to @cite{alonso-ovalle-moghiseh-2025} #
PSI profiles predict which EFCI rescue mechanism is available:
- Items with
hasScalarAlts = trueactivate both scalar and domain alternatives, creating the EFCI contradiction. requiresProperStrengtheningconstrains rescue: presuppositional σ̃ limits to partial exhaustification (proper strengthening preserved).
Map PSI profiles to EFCI rescue type (none if not an EFCI).
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Map PSI profiles to FCI flavor (none if not an FCI). Only D-MIN items are FCIs — D-MAX items are pure NPIs.
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Bridging PSI profiles to Fragment entries #
Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.PolarityType is a 5-way distributional
classification. PSIProfile is a 4-parameter theoretical decomposition.
Each PSI class predicts exactly one PolarityType, and each Fragment
entry's polarityType should match its PSI profile's predicted type.
Map a PSI profile to the expected PolarityType.
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Exercising the Exhaustification theory layer #
This section connects @cite{chierchia-2006}'s PSI typology to the formal
results in Exhaustification.FreeChoice and Exhaustification.Operators.
σ̃: Presuppositional implicature freezing (§3.3, §5.3) #
σ "freezes" the implicature; σ̃ adds a presupposition that the frozen
meaning is strictly stronger than the plain meaning (definition (72)).
sigma_bold_fails_in_de delegates to entailment_reversal_in_de.
SI vacuity in DE (§4.1) #
D-MAX (even-like) enrichment is an SI. SIs are vacuous in DE
(si_vacuous_in_de), explaining why pure NPIs are confined to DE.
O⁻ yields universal force (§5.1) #
Antiexhaustive enrichment of ∃x∈D.P(x) with D-MIN alternatives gives
∀a∈D. P(a) (antiexh_yields_universal). This is the "birth of universal
readings" behind FCI universal force.
σ̃'s presupposition: the enriched meaning is strictly stronger than the plain meaning. @cite{chierchia-2006} definition (72).
This must hold for σ̃ to be defined (felicitous). Items selecting σ̃ (qualsiasi, qualunque) require proper strengthening; items selecting plain σ (any, ever) don't.
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- Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.Chierchia2006.sigmaBoldDefined plain enriched = ((∀ (w : World), enriched w → plain w) ∧ ¬∀ (w : World), plain w → enriched w)
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σ̃'s presupposition fails in DE contexts.
@cite{chierchia-2006} §5.3: This is the formal content of the qualsiasi/any contrast. If enrichment properly strengthens at the base level (enriched ⊂ plain), then embedding in a DE context reverses the entailment: C(plain) ⊆ C(enriched), making the enriched meaning under C strictly WEAKER, not stronger.
Delegates to Exhaustification.FreeChoice.entailment_reversal_in_de:
the DE reversal gives C(plain) ⊆ C(enriched), which contradicts σ̃'s
requirement that C(enriched) be strictly stronger than C(plain).
SI vacuity in DE blocks D-MAX enrichment in UE.
@cite{chierchia-2006} §4.1: D-MAX items (pure NPIs) trigger
even-like (E) enrichment, which is an SI. SIs are vacuous in DE
(si_vacuous_in_de), so E enrichment is informative only in
non-DE contexts — but D-MAX items require DE. This is why
pure NPIs are confined to DE contexts.
Instantiates Exhaustification.FreeChoice.si_vacuous_in_de.
O⁻ yields universal force from existential base (§5.1).
D-MIN items (FCIs) activate all subdomain alternatives. When antiexhaustive enrichment (O⁻) is applied to ∃x∈D.P(x) with D-MIN alternatives, the result entails ∀a∈D. P(a).
This is the "birth of universal readings" — re-exported from
Exhaustification.antiexh_yields_universal.
Italian FCI judgment data from @cite{chierchia-2006} §2 #
These observations are the core empirical motivations:
- Two FCI constructions: [qualsiasi/qualunque N] (universal FCI) vs [un N qualsiasi/qualunque] (existential FCI)
- Quantificational force contrast: universal FCI → ∀; existential FCI → ∃
- Subtrigging: bare universal FCIs are marginal in episodic contexts; adding a relative clause modifier restores grammaticality
- Negation scope: universal FCIs under negation yield only ¬∀ (rhetorical reading), not NPI ¬∃
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FCI construction type: [qualsiasi N] vs [un N qualsiasi].
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Embedding context for FCI observations.
- future : FCIContext
- imperative : FCIContext
- episodic_bare : FCIContext
- episodic_subtrigged : FCIContext
- negation_bare : FCIContext
- negation_subtrigged : FCIContext
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An Italian FCI observation from @cite{chierchia-2006} §2.
- sentence : String
The sentence (schematic)
- exampleNum : String
Example number in the paper
- fciType : FCIType
FCI construction type
- context : FCIContext
Embedding context
- force : QForce
Available quantificational force
- judgment : Judgment
Grammaticality judgment
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(10a): "Domani interrogherò qualsiasi studente" (future, universal FCI) — Both ∀ and ∃ readings available.
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(10b): "Domani interrogherò uno studente qualsiasi" (future, existential FCI) — Only ∃ reading.
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(10c): "Prendi qualunque dolce" (imperative, universal FCI) — Both ∀ and ∃ readings available.
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(10d): "Prendi un dolce qualunque" (imperative, existential FCI) — Only ∃ reading.
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(11a): "Ieri ho parlato con un qualsiasi filosofo" (bare episodic, EFCI) — Marginal without modifier.
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(11b): "Ieri ho parlato con un qualsiasi filosofo che fosse interessato" — Marginal; the paper notes RC "if anything, makes things worse" for existential FCIs. Subtrigging does not rescue EFCIs.
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(11c): "Ieri ho parlato con qualsiasi filosofo" (bare episodic, universal FCI) — Marginal without modifier.
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(11d): "Ieri ho parlato con qualsiasi filosofo che fosse interessato" — Fully grammatical: subtrigging rescues universal FCIs.
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(12)/(73a): "Non leggerò qualunque libro" (negation + bare universal FCI) — Only ¬∀ (rhetorical) reading; NOT the NPI ¬∃ reading.
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(73b): "Non leggerò qualunque libro che mi consiglierà Gianni" — With RC under negation: ∀¬ or ¬∃ readings become available.
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Subtrigging contrast: bare universal FCI is marginal in episodic; subtrigged universal FCI is grammatical.
Subtrigging does NOT rescue existential FCIs in episodic contexts.
Universal FCIs always admit ∀ (and sometimes ∃): force is ambiguous.
Existential FCIs have ∃ force only.
Under negation, bare universal FCI yields only ¬∀ (rhetorical), not NPI ¬∃. This is the qualsiasi/any contrast: qualsiasi under negation ≠ NPI.