Tay (2024): Resultative Expressions in Mandarin Chinese #
@cite{tay-2024}
UCL PhD dissertation on why Mandarin V-V resultatives are more flexible in argument realisation than English resultatives and Mandarin V-de resultatives.
Thesis's core proposal #
V-V compounds are morphological (built in word syntax, not phrasal syntax), so their components are inaccessible to syntactic operations — modification, questioning, A-not-A. The null affix ∅ in V1-∅-V2 inherits all of V2's arguments but none of V1's. This predicts:
- Syntactic opacity: V-V components cannot be independently modified (§3)
- No DOR in Mandarin: subject-oriented resultatives are productive (§2)
- The Onset Condition: the CCF must participate in V1's event (§4)
What we formalize #
- No DOR: subject-oriented compounds (kū-lèi, chī-bǎo, hē-zuì) coexist with object-oriented ones; cross-linguistic contrast with English data
- V-V vs V-de opacity: V-V blocks independent modification of V1/V2; V-de allows it (thesis's central structural prediction)
- Onset Condition: the CCF must be a V1 participant (agent, subject matter,
or source); pure causers are ungrammatical — derived from data via
CcfRole.isV1Participant, not stipulated - V-V morphology:
MorphWord.compoundcaptures the binary V1-V2 structure - Causal dynamics: direct CAUSE (single causal law,
completesForEffect) - Phase complements: grammaticalized V2 subset with fixed
CoSType(standard Mandarin grammar, supplementing the thesis's V-V analysis)
Architecture #
Connects:
Theories.Semantics.Causation.Resultatives: causal dynamics, CC-selection, tightness, cross-linguistic parameters (ResultativeRealization,ResultOrientation,PhaseComplement)Theories.Morphology.Core.WordStructure:MorphWord.compoundfor V-VFragments.Mandarin.Resultatives: compound and phase complement lexical entriesPhenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Data: English data for cross-linguistic contrast (@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004})
Direct Object Restriction does NOT hold for Mandarin #
English resultatives enforce DOR: "She ran tired" is ungrammatical; only "She ran herself ragged" (fake reflexive) is acceptable.
Mandarin V-V compounds productively allow subject-oriented resultatives without reflexivization: kū-lèi "cry-tired", chī-bǎo "eat-full", pǎo-lèi "run-tired", hē-zuì "drink-drunk".
Compound data lives in Fragments.Mandarin.Resultatives; theorems here
derive from those Fragment entries.
Subject-oriented Mandarin resultatives exist in the Fragment data.
Both orientations are attested.
Four of eight compounds are subject-oriented.
Contrast with English: the English data in Data.lean uses fake
reflexives for subject-result patterns. All fake reflexives are
grammatical, but require the reflexive pronoun.
V-V compounds are syntactically opaque; V-de is transparent #
@cite{tay-2024}'s central structural prediction (Ch. 2 §2.1): because V-V compounds are built in morphology, their components are inaccessible to syntactic operations like independent modification. V-de resultatives, built in syntax, allow V1 and V2 to be independently modified.
Three kinds of independent modification tested:
- Locative: V1 modified by zài jiā lǐ "at home"
- Manner: V2 modified by mímíhūhūde "in a daze"
- Temporal: V2 modified by jīntiān "today"
Each test yields a minimal pair: V-de ✓, V-V ✗.
A syntactic opacity test datum.
- sentence : String
- construction : Causative.Resultatives.ResultativeRealization
- modTarget : String
- modifierType : String
- grammatical : Bool
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- Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024.instBEqOpacityDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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V-de: V1 locatively modified — ✓. "The baby cried at home until the neighbours woke up."
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V-V: V1 locatively modified — ✗.
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V-de: V2 manner-modified — ✓. "The baby cried and Mother woke up in a daze."
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V-V: V2 manner-modified — ✗.
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V-de: V2 temporally modified — ✓. "Mother sang (last night) until her throat became hoarse today."
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V-V: V2 temporally modified — ✗.
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V-de allows independent modification of components.
V-V blocks independent modification of components.
Grammaticality of independent modification tracks construction type exactly: V-de → grammatical, V-V → ungrammatical.
The Onset Condition (@cite{tay-2024}, Ch. 3) #
The external argument (CCF) of a transitive V-V resultative must be interpreted as a participant in the event denoted by V1: an agent, a subject matter, or a source. "Pure causers" — entities that plausibly cause V1's event but do not participate in it — are ungrammatical.
Key data:
- ✓ Zhāngsān dǎ-sǐ Lǐsì: Zhangsan = agent of hitting
- ✓ Movie kū-hóng eyes: movie = subject matter of crying
- ✓ Wine zuì-dǎo Zhangsan: wine = source of intoxication
- ✗ Onions kū-hóng eyes: onions = pure causer (not participant of crying)
- ✗ Boss zuì-dǎo subordinate: boss = agentive causer (not participant of becoming drunk)
The Onset Condition is derived from the data: grammaticality in every
datum matches CcfRole.isV1Participant.
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A CCF is a participant of V1 iff it is an agent, subject matter, or source — NOT a pure causer.
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- Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024.CcfRole.agent.isV1Participant = true
- Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024.CcfRole.subjectMatter.isV1Participant = true
- Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024.CcfRole.source.isV1Participant = true
- Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024.CcfRole.pureCauser.isV1Participant = false
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- Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024.instBEqOnsetDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Zhāngsān dǎ-sǐ-le Lǐsì: Zhangsan = agent of hitting. ✓
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Movie kū-hóng eyes: movie = subject matter of crying. ✓
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Joke xiào-téng belly: joke = subject matter of laughing. ✓
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Wine zuì-dǎo Zhangsan: wine = source of intoxication. ✓
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*Onions kū-hóng eyes: onions = pure causer (not participant of crying). ✗
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*Laughing gas xiào-téng belly: laughing gas = pure causer. ✗
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*Boss zuì-dǎo subordinate: boss = agentive causer (causes intoxication but doesn't participate in becoming-drunk). ✗
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The Onset Condition: grammaticality matches V1 participation in every datum. Derived from the data, not stipulated.
All grammatical onset examples have a V1-participating CCF.
All V1-non-participants are ungrammatical.
Morphological structure: V1-∅-V2 #
@cite{tay-2024} proposes that V-V compounds have the morphological structure
V1-∅-V2: the null affix ∅ inherits all of V2's arguments but none of V1's.
We capture the binary V1-V2 compound using MorphWord.compound from
WordStructure.lean.
V-V resultatives are synthetic compounds: their components stand in a predictable CAUSE relation. This contrasts with root compounds like cài-dāo "vegetable-knife" (= "a knife for cutting vegetables") whose semantic relation is idiosyncratic and must be listed in the lexicon (@cite{tay-2024}, Ch. 3 §3.1).
Morphological structure of dǎ-sǐ "hit-die".
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V-V compounds are recognized as compounds by isCompound.
Surface form is concatenation of V1 + V2.
V-V compounds have exactly 2 morphemes.
Morphological structure of kū-lèi "cry-tired" (subject-oriented).
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Causal dynamics for V-V compounds #
Each V-V compound maps to a CausalDynamics where V1 directly causes V2.
Direct causation = single causal law, no intermediate with an independent
energy source. This is the same completesForEffect tightness constraint
identified for English resultatives by @cite{levin-2019}.
dǎ-sǐ "hit-die": hitting → death. Direct causation.
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kū-lèi "cry-tired": crying → tired. Subject-oriented, direct.
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tuī-kāi "push-open": pushing → open. Mandarin parallel to English "push X open".
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Sufficiency and tightness proofs #
All V-V compound models have exactly one law (direct causation).
Phase complement CoS bridge #
Phase complement lexical entries live in Fragments.Mandarin.Resultatives.
Here we prove theorems connecting them to CoSType infrastructure.
Phase complements connect to all three CoS types.
The CoS presupposition for inceptive phase complements (dǎo, hǎo, diào):
the result state was NOT holding before the event.
Connects to priorStatePresup .inception P w = !P w from
ChangeOfState.Theory.
The CoS presupposition for the cessative phase complement (wán): the activity WAS happening before the event.
The continuation phase complement (zhù) presupposes P and asserts P.
All Mandarin compounds use verb-compound realization #
Constructional BECOME = inception #
V-V resultative compounds, like English resultatives, have constructional
BECOME mapping to CoSType.inception (¬P → P). V2 denotes the result
state that newly obtains as a consequence of V1.
V-V resultative BECOME = inception, same as English.
End-to-end: the V-V compound resultative architecture #
- V1 denotes causing event, V2 denotes result state
- Connected by direct CAUSE (single causal law, tight)
- Morphologically realized as
MorphWord.compound(V1-∅-V2) - Subject-oriented resultatives are productive (no DOR)
- V-V is syntactically opaque; V-de is transparent
- Onset Condition: CCF must be a V1 participant (derived from data)
- Phase complements are a grammaticalized subset with fixed CoSType
- Constructional BECOME = inception (shared with English)