Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Tay2024

Tay (2024): Resultative Expressions in Mandarin Chinese #

@cite{tay-2024}

UCL PhD dissertation on why Mandarin V-V resultatives are more flexible in argument realisation than English resultatives and Mandarin V-de resultatives.

Thesis's core proposal #

V-V compounds are morphological (built in word syntax, not phrasal syntax), so their components are inaccessible to syntactic operations — modification, questioning, A-not-A. The null affix ∅ in V1-∅-V2 inherits all of V2's arguments but none of V1's. This predicts:

What we formalize #

  1. No DOR: subject-oriented compounds (kū-lèi, chī-bǎo, hē-zuì) coexist with object-oriented ones; cross-linguistic contrast with English data
  2. V-V vs V-de opacity: V-V blocks independent modification of V1/V2; V-de allows it (thesis's central structural prediction)
  3. Onset Condition: the CCF must be a V1 participant (agent, subject matter, or source); pure causers are ungrammatical — derived from data via CcfRole.isV1Participant, not stipulated
  4. V-V morphology: MorphWord.compound captures the binary V1-V2 structure
  5. Causal dynamics: direct CAUSE (single causal law, completesForEffect)
  6. Phase complements: grammaticalized V2 subset with fixed CoSType (standard Mandarin grammar, supplementing the thesis's V-V analysis)

Architecture #

Connects:

Direct Object Restriction does NOT hold for Mandarin #

English resultatives enforce DOR: "She ran tired" is ungrammatical; only "She ran herself ragged" (fake reflexive) is acceptable.

Mandarin V-V compounds productively allow subject-oriented resultatives without reflexivization: kū-lèi "cry-tired", chī-bǎo "eat-full", pǎo-lèi "run-tired", hē-zuì "drink-drunk".

Compound data lives in Fragments.Mandarin.Resultatives; theorems here derive from those Fragment entries.

Contrast with English: the English data in Data.lean uses fake reflexives for subject-result patterns. All fake reflexives are grammatical, but require the reflexive pronoun.

V-V compounds are syntactically opaque; V-de is transparent #

@cite{tay-2024}'s central structural prediction (Ch. 2 §2.1): because V-V compounds are built in morphology, their components are inaccessible to syntactic operations like independent modification. V-de resultatives, built in syntax, allow V1 and V2 to be independently modified.

Three kinds of independent modification tested:

Each test yields a minimal pair: V-de ✓, V-V ✗.

A syntactic opacity test datum.

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      V-de: V1 locatively modified — ✓. "The baby cried at home until the neighbours woke up."

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        V-V: V1 locatively modified — ✗.

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          V-de: V2 manner-modified — ✓. "The baby cried and Mother woke up in a daze."

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            V-V: V2 manner-modified — ✗.

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              V-de: V2 temporally modified — ✓. "Mother sang (last night) until her throat became hoarse today."

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                V-V: V2 temporally modified — ✗.

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                    Grammaticality of independent modification tracks construction type exactly: V-de → grammatical, V-V → ungrammatical.

                    The Onset Condition (@cite{tay-2024}, Ch. 3) #

                    The external argument (CCF) of a transitive V-V resultative must be interpreted as a participant in the event denoted by V1: an agent, a subject matter, or a source. "Pure causers" — entities that plausibly cause V1's event but do not participate in it — are ungrammatical.

                    Key data:

                    The Onset Condition is derived from the data: grammaticality in every datum matches CcfRole.isV1Participant.

                    How the external argument (CCF) relates to V1's event.

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                        An Onset Condition test datum.

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                            Zhāngsān dǎ-sǐ-le Lǐsì: Zhangsan = agent of hitting. ✓

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                              Movie kū-hóng eyes: movie = subject matter of crying. ✓

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                                Joke xiào-téng belly: joke = subject matter of laughing. ✓

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                                  Wine zuì-dǎo Zhangsan: wine = source of intoxication. ✓

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                                    *Onions kū-hóng eyes: onions = pure causer (not participant of crying). ✗

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                                      *Laughing gas xiào-téng belly: laughing gas = pure causer. ✗

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                                        *Boss zuì-dǎo subordinate: boss = agentive causer (causes intoxication but doesn't participate in becoming-drunk). ✗

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                                            The Onset Condition: grammaticality matches V1 participation in every datum. Derived from the data, not stipulated.

                                            Morphological structure: V1-∅-V2 #

                                            @cite{tay-2024} proposes that V-V compounds have the morphological structure V1-∅-V2: the null affix ∅ inherits all of V2's arguments but none of V1's. We capture the binary V1-V2 compound using MorphWord.compound from WordStructure.lean.

                                            V-V resultatives are synthetic compounds: their components stand in a predictable CAUSE relation. This contrasts with root compounds like cài-dāo "vegetable-knife" (= "a knife for cutting vegetables") whose semantic relation is idiosyncratic and must be listed in the lexicon (@cite{tay-2024}, Ch. 3 §3.1).

                                            Morphological structure of dǎ-sǐ "hit-die".

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                                              V-V compounds are recognized as compounds by isCompound.

                                              Surface form is concatenation of V1 + V2.

                                              Morphological structure of kū-lèi "cry-tired" (subject-oriented).

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                                                Causal dynamics for V-V compounds #

                                                Each V-V compound maps to a CausalDynamics where V1 directly causes V2. Direct causation = single causal law, no intermediate with an independent energy source. This is the same completesForEffect tightness constraint identified for English resultatives by @cite{levin-2019}.

                                                dǎ-sǐ "hit-die": hitting → death. Direct causation.

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                                                  kū-lèi "cry-tired": crying → tired. Subject-oriented, direct.

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                                                    tuī-kāi "push-open": pushing → open. Mandarin parallel to English "push X open".

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                                                      Sufficiency and tightness proofs #

                                                      Phase complement CoS bridge #

                                                      Phase complement lexical entries live in Fragments.Mandarin.Resultatives. Here we prove theorems connecting them to CoSType infrastructure.

                                                      The CoS presupposition for inceptive phase complements (dǎo, hǎo, diào): the result state was NOT holding before the event. Connects to priorStatePresup .inception P w = !P w from ChangeOfState.Theory.

                                                      The CoS presupposition for the cessative phase complement (wán): the activity WAS happening before the event.

                                                      All Mandarin compounds use verb-compound realization #

                                                      Constructional BECOME = inception #

                                                      V-V resultative compounds, like English resultatives, have constructional BECOME mapping to CoSType.inception (¬P → P). V2 denotes the result state that newly obtains as a consequence of V1.

                                                      End-to-end: the V-V compound resultative architecture #

                                                      1. V1 denotes causing event, V2 denotes result state
                                                      2. Connected by direct CAUSE (single causal law, tight)
                                                      3. Morphologically realized as MorphWord.compound (V1-∅-V2)
                                                      4. Subject-oriented resultatives are productive (no DOR)
                                                      5. V-V is syntactically opaque; V-de is transparent
                                                      6. Onset Condition: CCF must be a V1 participant (derived from data)
                                                      7. Phase complements are a grammaticalized subset with fixed CoSType
                                                      8. Constructional BECOME = inception (shared with English)