Anderson (2006): Auxiliary Verb Constructions #
@cite{anderson-2006}
Cross-linguistic typology of auxiliary verb constructions (AVCs), establishing a five-pattern classification based on how inflection distributes between auxiliary and lexical verb.
Key contributions formalized #
- Five-pattern inflectional typology (
InflPattern): auxHeaded, lexHeaded, doubled, split, splitDoubled — defined inTypology.lean, verified here - Semantic head invariant: the lexical verb is always the semantic head, regardless of where inflection sits
- Typed inflectional distribution:
InflDistribution(fromCore.Morphology) records whichMorphCategoryvalues each element hosts, replacing ad-hoc string lists in Fragment files - Grammaticalization cline: full verb → auxiliary → clitic → affix → zero
Coverage #
Data from 7 languages (8 data points): English (aux-headed), Doyayo (split), Gorum (doubled), Jakaltek (split), Pipil (split + lex-headed), Finnish (split), Hemba (split/doubled). All five patterns attested.
Grammaticalization Cline #
The grammaticalization cline and source constructions are now in
Theories.Diachronic.Grammaticalization. GramStage and AVCSource
are opened from there.
The grammaticalization cline maps to MorphStatus categories.
Auxiliaries and full verbs are free words; clitics and affixes map to
their respective statuses; zero has no overt realization.
Equations
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.GramStage.toMorphStatus Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.fullVerb = some Core.Morphology.MorphStatus.freeWord
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.GramStage.toMorphStatus Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.auxiliary = some Core.Morphology.MorphStatus.freeWord
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.GramStage.toMorphStatus Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.clitic = some Core.Morphology.MorphStatus.simpleClitic
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.GramStage.toMorphStatus Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.affix = some Core.Morphology.MorphStatus.inflAffix
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.GramStage.toMorphStatus Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.zero = none
Instances For
Negative auxiliary strategies map to stages on the cline: neg verb = auxiliary stage, neg affix = affix stage, neg particle = auxiliary stage (free word).
Equations
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.negStrategyStage Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.NegativeAuxiliaries.NegStrategy.negVerb = Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.auxiliary
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.negStrategyStage Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.NegativeAuxiliaries.NegStrategy.negAffix = Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.affix
- Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.Studies.Anderson2006.negStrategyStage Phenomena.AuxiliaryVerbs.NegativeAuxiliaries.NegStrategy.negParticle = Diachronic.Grammaticalization.GramStage.auxiliary
Instances For
Negative affixes are further along the cline than negative verbs.
Pattern Coverage Theorems #
All five of Anderson's inflectional patterns are attested in current data.
Structural Theorems on Distribution #
These theorems verify structural properties of the typed InflDistribution
data, connecting Fragment-level category lists to Anderson's pattern
classification.
In Gorum's doubled AVC, aux and lex host exactly the same categories.
In Doyayo's split AVC, aux and lex host disjoint category types.
In Pipil's split AVC, aux and lex host disjoint category types.
In Finnish's split AVC, aux and lex host disjoint category types.
(.stem on the lex side is a base, not an inflectional overlap.)
Jakaltek's split distributes agreement across both elements — absolutive
on AUX and ergative on LV. At the MorphCategory level, both are
.agreement, so the split is within a single category type rather than
between category types. This is the correct representation: Anderson
classifies Jakaltek as split despite the shared .agreement label because
the specific agreement relations (absolutive vs. ergative) differ.
In Pipil's lex-headed AVC, the auxiliary hosts no inflection.
In Hemba's split/doubled AVC, agreement is doubled (on both elements), while tense is AUX-only and mood is LV-only. This is the defining characteristic of the split/doubled pattern: some categories are shared (doubled) while others are exclusive to one element (split).
Dual Headedness #
Anderson's central insight: AVCs have two distinct notions of head. The semantic head (content provider) is always the lexical verb. The inflectional host varies by pattern. This mismatch is what makes AVCs typologically distinctive.
The semantic head and inflectional host coincide only in lex-headed AVCs. In all other patterns, they diverge: the semantic head is always the lexical verb, but inflection may sit on the auxiliary.
Negative Auxiliaries as AVCs #
@cite{anderson-2006} treats negative auxiliaries (Finnish ei, Komi oz) as a special case of aux-headed AVCs: the negative element IS the auxiliary, hosting inflection that the lexical verb would otherwise carry.
Negative verb strategy creates aux-headed AVCs.
Non-verbal negation strategies do not create AVCs.
LV Form Predictions (Anderson's Table 2.3) #
Anderson predicts the verb form of the lexical verb from the inflectional
pattern. Aux-headed AVCs have a nonfinite LV (infinitive/participle);
all other patterns have a finite LV (carrying at least some inflection).
This is formalized in Typology.lvVerbForm and verified here.
Aux-headed → nonfinite LV.
Lex-headed → finite LV.
Doubled → finite LV.
Split/doubled → finite LV.
Bridge to Auxiliary Selection #
Be/have auxiliary selection (Selection.lean) operates within aux-headed
AVCs: the question of which auxiliary appears presupposes the auxiliary
hosts inflection. All split-auxiliary languages in Selection.allData
are aux-headed (the auxiliary carries tense, the LV is a past participle).
Auxiliary selection presupposes aux-headed pattern: the selecting auxiliary hosts tense/agreement (is the inflectional head).
In aux-headed AVCs with be/have selection, the LV is nonfinite
(past participle). This connects Selection's selectedAux to
Typology's lvVerbForm.
Italian arrivare (Selection datum) selects be and lives in an aux-headed system where the LV is nonfinite: è arrivat-o (AUX.3SG arrive-PTCP.M.SG).