@cite{everdell-2023} — Applicativization in O'dam (Southeastern Tepiman) #
Everdell, Michael. 2023. Arguments and adjuncts in O'dam: language-specific realization of a cross-linguistic distinction. PhD dissertation, University of Texas at Austin.
Chapter 5 formalizes O'dam applicativization, which provides evidence that thematic hierarchies cannot be fully eliminated from argument realization theory — a key counterpoint to purely content-based linking (MAP alone).
Core claims #
O'dam has two applicative suffixes: -dha and -tuda, which are specific about which verbs they combine with and which function they serve. Unlike Kinyarwanda -ish, O'dam applicatives are unambiguous in their function with a given verb.
Thematic hierarchy of applied arguments (the dissertation's (273)):
Agent > Promoted object [+ANIM] > BeneficiaryThe applied argument's thematic role is hierarchically determined: agent-introduction takes priority over promotion, which takes priority over beneficiary introduction. Beneficiary is the elsewhere case.
Applicative function is predictable from two properties of the base verb: (a) its transitivity and (b) its semantic participants.
Animacy entailment is the consistent semantic contribution of promotion. Unlike Kinyarwanda (which adds change-of-possession), O'dam promotion simply adds an animacy entailment to the promoted participant. Benefactive/malefactive inferences are pragmatic.
Applicativization is a valency test: the applied form always has valency = base valency + 1. This explains the hypertransitivity ban: ditransitives (makia' 'give', tikka' 'ask') cannot be applicativized because O'dam caps syntactic arguments at three.
Locatives are always adjuncts: they don't count toward transitivity, evidenced by motion verbs behaving as intransitives under applicativization.
Instruments are always adjuncts AND always inanimate: they cannot be promoted because promotion requires animacy, and instruments in O'dam are categorically inanimate.
Cross-references #
Studies/Pylkkanen2008.lean: O'dam applicatives don't fit the high/low dichotomy cleanly — they perform agent-introduction (high-like), promotion, AND beneficiary licensing depending on the base verb.Studies/Beavers2010.lean: The affectedness hierarchy and MAP operate on direct/oblique alternations. O'dam shows a different dimension of argument realization: thematic hierarchies governing which participant gets promoted by an applicative.Studies/BeaversUdayana2022.lean: Indonesian ber- middles suppress arguments; O'dam -dha and -tuda ADD arguments. Both are valency operations that probe base argument structure.
Base transitivity of an O'dam verb. Everdell's analysis treats motion verbs with only a locative participant as intransitive (the locative is an adjunct).
- intransitive : BaseTransitivity
- transitive : BaseTransitivity
- ditransitive : BaseTransitivity
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The type of non-argument entailed participant (if any) that a transitive verb has. These are participants entailed by the verb's semantics but NOT syntactic arguments of the base form.
- implicitObject : EntailedParticipantType
- locative : EntailedParticipantType
- instrument : EntailedParticipantType
- none : EntailedParticipantType
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Whether a locative participant is compatible with an animate referent. This determines whether the locative can be promoted by an applicative, since promotion requires adding an animacy entailment.
- compatible : AnimateCompatibility
- incompatible : AnimateCompatibility
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Semantic class of an O'dam verb, relevant to applicativization.
- unaccusative : VerbClass
- unergative : VerbClass
- motionIntransitive : VerbClass
- ingestion : VerbClass
- perception : VerbClass
- lexicalMiddle : VerbClass
- simpleTransitive : VerbClass
- denominalCreation : VerbClass
- ditransitive : VerbClass
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An O'dam verb entry for applicativization analysis.
- baseForm : String
Base form (citation)
- gloss : String
Gloss
- appliedForm : String
Applied form (with -dha or -tuda)
- verbClass : VerbClass
Verb class
- transitivity : BaseTransitivity
Syntactic transitivity of the base form
- entailedParticipant : EntailedParticipantType
Type of entailed non-argument participant (if any)
- animateLocative : AnimateCompatibility
Whether the locative (if any) is compatible with an animate referent
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.instBEqOdamVerb.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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The function an O'dam applicative performs with a given verb.
These are ordered by the thematic hierarchy (273): Agent > Promoted object [+ANIM] > Beneficiary.
blocked covers the hypertransitivity ban (ditransitives).
- agentIntroduction : ApplFunction
- promotion : ApplFunction
- beneficiary : ApplFunction
- blocked : ApplFunction
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The central prediction: the applicative's function is determined by the base verb's transitivity and entailed participants.
This implements Everdell's thematic hierarchy (273):
- If the base is intransitive → agent introduction
- If the base is transitive AND has a promotable participant → promotion
- If the base is transitive AND has no promotable participant → beneficiary
- If the base is ditransitive → blocked
A participant is "promotable" if it is either:
- An implicit object (not expressible in base form), OR
- A locative compatible with an animate interpretation
Instruments are NEVER promotable: they are inanimate in O'dam, and promotion adds an animacy entailment.
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"Exceptional transitives" (ingestion, perception, lexical middles) are syntactically transitive but pattern with intransitives under applicativization because their subject is not maximally distinct from the object.
This function computes the effective transitivity for applicativization purposes.
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The refined prediction accounting for exceptional transitives.
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Ingestion verbs: syntactically transitive but applicativize like intransitives because subject is not maximally distinct from object.
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Perception verbs: also transitive but pattern intransitively.
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Lexical middles: subject and object are co-identified.
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Verbs with implicit objects (promoted by applicative).
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Verbs with locative participants compatible with animate referents (promoted to object with animacy entailment).
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Transitive with entailed instrument (not promotable).
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Transitive with locative incompatible with animate referent.
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Denominal verbs of creation: syntactically transitive (they take the resultative -xim) but gain a beneficiary, not an agent. The incorporated noun satisfies one thematic role.
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Ingestion: syntactically transitive, but the refined predictor recognizes it as effectively intransitive.
Perception: same pattern.
Lexical middles: same pattern.
The naive predictor gets exceptional transitives WRONG — it would predict beneficiary, not agent. This motivates the refined predictor.
The observed applicative function for each verb.
- verb : OdamVerb
- observedFunction : ApplFunction
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The deepest theorem: predictFunction matches the observed
applicative function for all non-exceptional verbs.
The prediction succeeds for all verbs that are NOT exceptional
transitives (ingestion, perception, lexical middles). For those,
predictFunctionRefined is needed.
Valency change is always +1. The applied form has exactly one more syntactic argument than the base.
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.baseValency Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.BaseTransitivity.intransitive = 1
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.baseValency Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.BaseTransitivity.transitive = 2
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.baseValency Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.BaseTransitivity.ditransitive = 3
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The hypertransitivity ban: no verb can have more than 3 syntactic arguments. This follows from the fact that ditransitives cannot applicativize and the +1 valency change.
Whether a participant type is promotable by the applicative. Promotion requires adding an animacy entailment. Instruments are categorically inanimate in O'dam, so they cannot be promoted.
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isPromotable Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.EntailedParticipantType.implicitObject x✝ = true
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isPromotable Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.EntailedParticipantType.instrument x✝ = false
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isPromotable Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.EntailedParticipantType.none x✝ = false
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Instruments are never promotable.
Implicit objects are always promotable.
Animate-compatible locatives are promotable.
Inanimate locatives are not promotable.
The exceptional transitive classes are exactly those where the subject is not maximally distinct from the object.
This captures @cite{naess-2007}'s observation: ingestion/perception verbs and lexical middles minimize the affector-affectee distinction, making them functionally intransitive.
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isExceptionalTransitive Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.VerbClass.ingestion = true
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isExceptionalTransitive Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.VerbClass.perception = true
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isExceptionalTransitive Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.VerbClass.lexicalMiddle = true
- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.isExceptionalTransitive x✝ = false
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Exceptional transitives are syntactically transitive.
But they are effectively intransitive for applicativization.
predictFunction depends only on transitivity,
entailedParticipant, and animateLocative.
predictFunctionRefined agrees with predictFunction on all
non-exceptional verb classes. The refinement only changes the
prediction for ingestion, perception, and lexical middles.
@cite{krejci-2012} proposes a hierarchy of causativizability:
unaccusatives > middles/ingestives > unergatives > simple transitives
O'dam's exceptional transitives are exactly middles and ingestives —
the verb classes that cross-linguistically pattern with intransitives
in causativization. This explains why O'dam applicatives (which are
syncretic with causatives) treat them as intransitive:
causative-applicative syncretism + the causativizability hierarchy
predicts the exceptional transitive class.
The hierarchy data and implicational validation are formalized in
`Semantics.Causation.MorphologicalCausation` (§11).
O'dam applicatives challenge the @cite{pylkknen-2008} binary high/low classification. They exhibit properties of BOTH types:
- **High-like**: can applicativize unergatives (agent introduction)
and static verbs (lexical middles gain agents)
- **Low-like**: can promote a locative to an applied object with
a transfer-like interpretation
However, O'dam applicatives are NOT ambiguous in the way Kinyarwanda
*-ish* is: with a given verb, the function is deterministic.
O'dam passes both high-applicative diagnostics from Table 2.1.
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- Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024.odam_appl = { language := "O'dam", applType := Minimalism.ApplType.high, unergativeOK := some true, staticVerbOK := some true }
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O'dam patterns as high by the diagnostics.
But O'dam also performs promotion (a low-like function). The dissertation shows this dual behavior is NOT ambiguity — the function is deterministic based on the base verb. This suggests that high/low is not a single binary parameter but a cluster of partially independent properties.
@cite{beavers-2023-sag-lectures} argues that argument realization is governed by a "soup" of factors: truth-conditional strength (MAP), event-structural templates, convention, and discourse/pragmatics. Beavers acknowledges that thematic hierarchies play SOME role but argues they are largely reducible to truth-conditional content.
O'dam applicatives provide evidence that the thematic hierarchy
(273) is NOT fully reducible to content:
1. The hierarchy Agent > Promoted [+ANIM] > Beneficiary determines
which applicative function is selected, NOT the truth-conditional
strength of the applied argument.
2. Instruments cannot be promoted even though they may be entailed
(truth-conditionally strong) — the blocking comes from a
representational property (animacy), not from content-based MAP.
3. The exceptional transitives (ingestion, perception, middles) are
blocked from beneficiary licensing by a representational property
(subject-object distinctness), not by content strength.
This makes O'dam a key test case for the "soup" theory: thematic
hierarchies are one ingredient that cannot be fully eliminated.
The thematic hierarchy makes a prediction that pure MAP cannot: the same verb form (sell, send) always promotes the same participant, regardless of context or truth-conditional strength of other potential applied arguments. See §19 for the deeper analysis of why this is orthogonal to MAP.
A central claim: locative participants in O'dam are ALWAYS syntactic adjuncts. Evidence:
1. Motion verbs with one non-locative participant (e.g., *aaya'*
'arrive') are intransitive under applicativization — they gain
an agent, not a beneficiary.
2. Motion verbs with two non-locative participants are transitive —
the locative doesn't count toward valency.
3. Under the promotative function, entailed locatives are promoted
to object status, gaining an animacy entailment. If locatives
were already arguments, promotion of an argument to... argument
would be incoherent.
This connects to head-marking and preverbal quantification (Ch. 3–4):
locatives fail every argumenthood test in O'dam.
Motion verbs are intransitive despite having locative participants. Their locatives are adjuncts, so they don't count toward valency.
Therefore motion verbs gain agents under applicativization, just like other intransitives.
O'dam applicative promotion is orthogonal to MAP. MAP governs direct/oblique alternations based on truth-conditional strength (affectedness degree). O'dam promotion is governed by animacy, a representational property independent of change-of-state entailments.
This creates a two-dimensional space for argument realization:
| Dimension | Governing property | Framework |
|------------------|------------------------|-----------------|
| Direct vs oblique| Truth-conditional strength| MAP (Beavers) |
| Promoted vs not | Animacy compatibility | Hierarchy (273) |
Instruments can be truth-conditionally strong (entailed by the
verb) but STILL not promotable, because they are categorically
inanimate. This is a content-independent constraint that MAP
cannot capture.
Instruments are entailed (potentially high affectedness) but not promotable. This witnesses a dimension of argument realization orthogonal to MAP: animacy governs promotion, not truth-conditional strength.
The thematic hierarchy makes categorical predictions that cannot be derived from truth-conditional strength alone: the SAME type of entailed participant (locative) gets different treatment based solely on animate compatibility.