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Linglib.Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.Everdell2024

@cite{everdell-2023} — Applicativization in O'dam (Southeastern Tepiman) #

Everdell, Michael. 2023. Arguments and adjuncts in O'dam: language-specific realization of a cross-linguistic distinction. PhD dissertation, University of Texas at Austin.

Chapter 5 formalizes O'dam applicativization, which provides evidence that thematic hierarchies cannot be fully eliminated from argument realization theory — a key counterpoint to purely content-based linking (MAP alone).

Core claims #

  1. O'dam has two applicative suffixes: -dha and -tuda, which are specific about which verbs they combine with and which function they serve. Unlike Kinyarwanda -ish, O'dam applicatives are unambiguous in their function with a given verb.

  2. Thematic hierarchy of applied arguments (the dissertation's (273)):

    Agent > Promoted object [+ANIM] > Beneficiary
    

    The applied argument's thematic role is hierarchically determined: agent-introduction takes priority over promotion, which takes priority over beneficiary introduction. Beneficiary is the elsewhere case.

  3. Applicative function is predictable from two properties of the base verb: (a) its transitivity and (b) its semantic participants.

  4. Animacy entailment is the consistent semantic contribution of promotion. Unlike Kinyarwanda (which adds change-of-possession), O'dam promotion simply adds an animacy entailment to the promoted participant. Benefactive/malefactive inferences are pragmatic.

  5. Applicativization is a valency test: the applied form always has valency = base valency + 1. This explains the hypertransitivity ban: ditransitives (makia' 'give', tikka' 'ask') cannot be applicativized because O'dam caps syntactic arguments at three.

  6. Locatives are always adjuncts: they don't count toward transitivity, evidenced by motion verbs behaving as intransitives under applicativization.

  7. Instruments are always adjuncts AND always inanimate: they cannot be promoted because promotion requires animacy, and instruments in O'dam are categorically inanimate.

Cross-references #

Base transitivity of an O'dam verb. Everdell's analysis treats motion verbs with only a locative participant as intransitive (the locative is an adjunct).

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      The type of non-argument entailed participant (if any) that a transitive verb has. These are participants entailed by the verb's semantics but NOT syntactic arguments of the base form.

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          Whether a locative participant is compatible with an animate referent. This determines whether the locative can be promoted by an applicative, since promotion requires adding an animacy entailment.

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              Semantic class of an O'dam verb, relevant to applicativization.

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                  An O'dam verb entry for applicativization analysis.

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                        The function an O'dam applicative performs with a given verb.

                        These are ordered by the thematic hierarchy (273): Agent > Promoted object [+ANIM] > Beneficiary.

                        blocked covers the hypertransitivity ban (ditransitives).

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                            The central prediction: the applicative's function is determined by the base verb's transitivity and entailed participants.

                            This implements Everdell's thematic hierarchy (273):

                            1. If the base is intransitive → agent introduction
                            2. If the base is transitive AND has a promotable participant → promotion
                            3. If the base is transitive AND has no promotable participant → beneficiary
                            4. If the base is ditransitive → blocked

                            A participant is "promotable" if it is either:

                            • An implicit object (not expressible in base form), OR
                            • A locative compatible with an animate interpretation

                            Instruments are NEVER promotable: they are inanimate in O'dam, and promotion adds an animacy entailment.

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                              "Exceptional transitives" (ingestion, perception, lexical middles) are syntactically transitive but pattern with intransitives under applicativization because their subject is not maximally distinct from the object.

                              This function computes the effective transitivity for applicativization purposes.

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                                The refined prediction accounting for exceptional transitives.

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                                                Ingestion verbs: syntactically transitive but applicativize like intransitives because subject is not maximally distinct from object.

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                                                    Perception verbs: also transitive but pattern intransitively.

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                                                        Lexical middles: subject and object are co-identified.

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                                                                Verbs with implicit objects (promoted by applicative).

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                                                                      Verbs with locative participants compatible with animate referents (promoted to object with animacy entailment).

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                                                                                      Transitive with entailed instrument (not promotable).

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                                                                                          Transitive with locative incompatible with animate referent.

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                                                                                                  Denominal verbs of creation: syntactically transitive (they take the resultative -xim) but gain a beneficiary, not an agent. The incorporated noun satisfies one thematic role.

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                                                                                                    Ingestion: syntactically transitive, but the refined predictor recognizes it as effectively intransitive.

                                                                                                    The observed applicative function for each verb.

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                                                                                                          The deepest theorem: predictFunction matches the observed applicative function for all non-exceptional verbs.

                                                                                                          The prediction succeeds for all verbs that are NOT exceptional transitives (ingestion, perception, lexical middles). For those, predictFunctionRefined is needed.

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                                                                                                            The hypertransitivity ban: no verb can have more than 3 syntactic arguments. This follows from the fact that ditransitives cannot applicativize and the +1 valency change.

                                                                                                            predictFunctionRefined agrees with predictFunction on all non-exceptional verb classes. The refinement only changes the prediction for ingestion, perception, and lexical middles.

                                                                                                            @cite{krejci-2012} proposes a hierarchy of causativizability:

                                                                                                                unaccusatives > middles/ingestives > unergatives > simple transitives
                                                                                                            
                                                                                                            O'dam's exceptional transitives are exactly middles and ingestives —
                                                                                                            the verb classes that cross-linguistically pattern with intransitives
                                                                                                            in causativization. This explains why O'dam applicatives (which are
                                                                                                            syncretic with causatives) treat them as intransitive:
                                                                                                            causative-applicative syncretism + the causativizability hierarchy
                                                                                                            predicts the exceptional transitive class.
                                                                                                            
                                                                                                            The hierarchy data and implicational validation are formalized in
                                                                                                            `Semantics.Causation.MorphologicalCausation` (§11). 
                                                                                                            

                                                                                                            O'dam applicatives challenge the @cite{pylkknen-2008} binary high/low classification. They exhibit properties of BOTH types:

                                                                                                            - **High-like**: can applicativize unergatives (agent introduction)
                                                                                                              and static verbs (lexical middles gain agents)
                                                                                                            - **Low-like**: can promote a locative to an applied object with
                                                                                                              a transfer-like interpretation
                                                                                                            
                                                                                                            However, O'dam applicatives are NOT ambiguous in the way Kinyarwanda
                                                                                                            *-ish* is: with a given verb, the function is deterministic. 
                                                                                                            

                                                                                                            O'dam passes both high-applicative diagnostics from Table 2.1.

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                                                                                                              But O'dam also performs promotion (a low-like function). The dissertation shows this dual behavior is NOT ambiguity — the function is deterministic based on the base verb. This suggests that high/low is not a single binary parameter but a cluster of partially independent properties.

                                                                                                              @cite{beavers-2023-sag-lectures} argues that argument realization is governed by a "soup" of factors: truth-conditional strength (MAP), event-structural templates, convention, and discourse/pragmatics. Beavers acknowledges that thematic hierarchies play SOME role but argues they are largely reducible to truth-conditional content.

                                                                                                              O'dam applicatives provide evidence that the thematic hierarchy
                                                                                                              (273) is NOT fully reducible to content:
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              1. The hierarchy Agent > Promoted [+ANIM] > Beneficiary determines
                                                                                                                 which applicative function is selected, NOT the truth-conditional
                                                                                                                 strength of the applied argument.
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              2. Instruments cannot be promoted even though they may be entailed
                                                                                                                 (truth-conditionally strong) — the blocking comes from a
                                                                                                                 representational property (animacy), not from content-based MAP.
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              3. The exceptional transitives (ingestion, perception, middles) are
                                                                                                                 blocked from beneficiary licensing by a representational property
                                                                                                                 (subject-object distinctness), not by content strength.
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              This makes O'dam a key test case for the "soup" theory: thematic
                                                                                                              hierarchies are one ingredient that cannot be fully eliminated. 
                                                                                                              

                                                                                                              The thematic hierarchy makes a prediction that pure MAP cannot: the same verb form (sell, send) always promotes the same participant, regardless of context or truth-conditional strength of other potential applied arguments. See §19 for the deeper analysis of why this is orthogonal to MAP.

                                                                                                              A central claim: locative participants in O'dam are ALWAYS syntactic adjuncts. Evidence:

                                                                                                              1. Motion verbs with one non-locative participant (e.g., *aaya'*
                                                                                                                 'arrive') are intransitive under applicativization — they gain
                                                                                                                 an agent, not a beneficiary.
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              2. Motion verbs with two non-locative participants are transitive —
                                                                                                                 the locative doesn't count toward valency.
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              3. Under the promotative function, entailed locatives are promoted
                                                                                                                 to object status, gaining an animacy entailment. If locatives
                                                                                                                 were already arguments, promotion of an argument to... argument
                                                                                                                 would be incoherent.
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              This connects to head-marking and preverbal quantification (Ch. 3–4):
                                                                                                              locatives fail every argumenthood test in O'dam. 
                                                                                                              

                                                                                                              Motion verbs are intransitive despite having locative participants. Their locatives are adjuncts, so they don't count toward valency.

                                                                                                              O'dam applicative promotion is orthogonal to MAP. MAP governs direct/oblique alternations based on truth-conditional strength (affectedness degree). O'dam promotion is governed by animacy, a representational property independent of change-of-state entailments.

                                                                                                              This creates a two-dimensional space for argument realization:
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              | Dimension        | Governing property     | Framework       |
                                                                                                              |------------------|------------------------|-----------------|
                                                                                                              | Direct vs oblique| Truth-conditional strength| MAP (Beavers)  |
                                                                                                              | Promoted vs not  | Animacy compatibility  | Hierarchy (273) |
                                                                                                              
                                                                                                              Instruments can be truth-conditionally strong (entailed by the
                                                                                                              verb) but STILL not promotable, because they are categorically
                                                                                                              inanimate. This is a content-independent constraint that MAP
                                                                                                              cannot capture. 
                                                                                                              

                                                                                                              Instruments are entailed (potentially high affectedness) but not promotable. This witnesses a dimension of argument realization orthogonal to MAP: animacy governs promotion, not truth-conditional strength.