The Nouns that Say -ni @cite{aitha-2026} #
Aitha, A. (2026). The nouns that say -ni: Morpheme-specific phonology in Telugu. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 44:16.
Overview #
Telugu nouns exhibit two stem alternation patterns:
Strong alternation: NOM il-lu vs oblique in-ṭi ('house'). Genuine case-conditioned contextual allomorphy, analyzed via DM Vocabulary Insertion with @cite{mcfadden-2018}'s case containment hierarchy. The NOM-vs-oblique split follows from the Elsewhere Condition: a rule conditioned on [ACC] is more specific than an unconditioned default.
Weak alternation: NOM samudr-am vs ACC samudr-āni ('ocean'). Surface pattern looks like case-conditioned allomorphy but is phonological. Three diagnostics show it cannot be case allomorphy: (a) the ABAB paradigm shape violates @cite{caha-2009}'s *ABA constraint; (b) noncase agreement suffixes trigger the alternation; (c) the conditioning requires strict linear adjacency (phonological, not structural locality).
The alternation is derived in Stratal OT (@cite{kiparsky-2000}): both surface forms derive from a single underlying -am-ni, where -ni is a singular suffix with prespecified stress. The interaction of stress faithfulness with foot binarity constraints across three phonological strata (Stem, Word, Phrase) produces the alternation.
Formalization #
- §1: Telugu case system and paradigm data
- §2: Strong alternation — VI rules and Elsewhere Condition
- §3: Weak alternation — *ABA violation and syllable-weight conditioning
- §4: Stem-level metrical parsing (OT tableau)
- §5: Word-level phonology — NOM and DAT tableaux (Stratal OT)
- §6: PrWd-based surface form prediction
Telugu case values relevant to nominal paradigms.
- nom : TeluguCase
- acc : TeluguCase
- gen : TeluguCase
- dat : TeluguCase
- loc : TeluguCase
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Map Telugu cases to the core Case type.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.nom.toCore = Core.Case.nom
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.acc.toCore = Core.Case.acc
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.gen.toCore = Core.Case.gen
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.dat.toCore = Core.Case.dat
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.loc.toCore = Core.Case.loc
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Does this Telugu case bear the ACC feature (nonnominative)? Under @cite{mcfadden-2018}'s containment analysis, all nonnominative cases include ACC in their representation.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.nom.hasACC = false
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.acc.hasACC = true
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.gen.hasACC = true
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.dat.hasACC = true
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.loc.hasACC = true
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Root class for strongly suppletive nouns. @cite{aitha-2026} lists 7 subclasses, all sharing the NOM-vs-oblique split. Multiple NOM subclasses share a single OBL form (-ṭi for all but the -u∼-i class), a prediction of the Elsewhere Condition: the more specific (OBL) rule can generalize across root sets. We formalize two representative classes; the analysis extends to all.
- luTi : StrongClass
- uI : StrongClass
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Strong noun paradigm: the n-exponent for each case. All strong nouns share the NOM-vs-oblique split regardless of the actual surface shape of n.
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The n-exponent for the -lu∼-ṭi class.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.luTiParadigm = { nomForm := "lu", oblForm := "ṭi" }
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The n-exponent for the -u∼-i class.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.uIParadigm = { nomForm := "u", oblForm := "i" }
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Surface form of n given a strong paradigm and case.
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The weak noun paradigm for samudram 'ocean'. Data from @cite{krishnamurti-gwynn-1985}.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakParadigm Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.nom = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.short
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakParadigm Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.acc = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.long
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakParadigm Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.gen = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.short
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakParadigm Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.dat = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.long
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakParadigm Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.TeluguCase.loc = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.short
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Morphosyntactic context for VI at the n head in Telugu. A context consists of a root class and case features.
- rootClass : StrongClass
- hasAccFeature : Bool
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VI rule for NOM n of the -lu∼-ṭi class. No ACC feature required → this is the elsewhere/default rule.
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VI rule for oblique n of the -lu∼-ṭi class.
Requires ACC → more specific, wins over viLuNom in non-NOM.
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VI rule for NOM n of the -u∼-i class.
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VI rule for oblique n of the -u∼-i class.
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All VI rules for strong noun n-exponents.
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Build the morphosyntactic context for VI from Telugu case + root class.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.mkNContext rc c = { rootClass := rc, hasAccFeature := c.hasACC }
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VI produces the correct strong paradigm for -lu∼-ṭi nouns.
VI produces the correct strong paradigm for -u∼-i nouns.
The weak alternation's surface paradigm as an AllomorphyPattern.
Short form = 0, long form = 1.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakAllomorphyPattern = { nom := 0, acc := 1, gen := 0, dat := 1 }
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The weak alternation violates @cite{caha-2009}'s *ABA constraint. The ABAB pattern contains the subsequence A–B–A at NOM–ACC–GEN: NOM and GEN share the short form, but intervening ACC has the long form. Since GEN's representation contains ACC's on the containment hierarchy, this cannot arise from case-conditioned VI.
Therefore the weak alternation is not contiguous on the case containment hierarchy.
In contrast, the strong alternation (ABB = NOM vs oblique) is contiguous — consistent with case-conditioned VI.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.strongAllomorphyPattern = { nom := 0, acc := 1, gen := 1, dat := 1 }
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Helper: encode WeakStemForm as a Nat for AllomorphyPattern comparison.
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The weakAllomorphyPattern is not a separate stipulation — it is
derived from weakParadigm. This theorem closes the gap between
the paradigm data and the *ABA check.
Environments that trigger the long form in weak nouns. The long form surfaces when followed by a light syllable within the prosodic word — regardless of whether that syllable realizes a case suffix or an agreement suffix.
Data from @cite{aitha-2026}'s full(er) paradigm including agreement:
- ACC -ni: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-ni)
- DAT -ki: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-ki)
- 1SG -ni: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-ni)
- 2SG -vi: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-vi)
- NOM -∅: no following σ → short (samudr-am-∅)
- GEN -∅: no following σ → short (samudr-am-∅)
- 3SG -∅: no following σ → short (samudr-am-∅)
- P -lō: separate PrWd → short (samudr-am-lō)
- P -gurinci: separate PrWd → short (samudr-am-gurinci)
- P -eduru: separate PrWd → short (samudr-am-eduru)
Note: -gurinci and -eduru begin with light syllables, yet still trigger the short form. The conditioning factor is PrWd membership, not syllable weight of the following element per se.
- noSuffix : FollowingContext
- lightWithinPrWd : FollowingContext
- separatePrWd : FollowingContext
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The phonological conditioning: long form iff followed by a light syllable within the same prosodic word.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakFormPredicted Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.FollowingContext.lightWithinPrWd = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.long
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakFormPredicted Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.FollowingContext.noSuffix = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.short
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakFormPredicted Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.FollowingContext.separatePrWd = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.short
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Both ACC -ni (case) and 1SG -ni (agreement) trigger the long form — the conditioning is phonological, not morphosyntactic.
No following suffix → short form.
Postposition in a separate PrWd → short form (regardless of whether the postposition starts with a light or heavy syllable).
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Classify agreement suffixes by their phonological context: overt light suffixes pattern identically to overt light case suffixes.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.AgrSuffix.sg1.toFollowing = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.FollowingContext.lightWithinPrWd
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.AgrSuffix.sg2.toFollowing = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.FollowingContext.lightWithinPrWd
- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.AgrSuffix.sg3.toFollowing = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.FollowingContext.noSuffix
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1SG -ni triggers the long form, just like ACC -ni. Both are light syllables within PrWd — the conditioning is phonological, not morphosyntactic.
3SG -∅ triggers the short form, just like NOM -∅.
The decisive argument: case and agreement suffixes with identical
phonological shape produce identical stem forms. ACC -ni and 1SG -ni
both map to lightWithinPrWd, so both trigger the long form.
If the alternation were case-conditioned, agreement suffixes (which bear
no case features) could not trigger it.
The underlying representation of the weak noun stem. @cite{aitha-2026} argues (§4.2) that the surface alternants -am and -āni derive from a single underlying form: the concatenation of -am (exponent of n) + -ni (singular suffix, exponent of Num).
The surface forms result from TWO independent phonological processes:
- The -am ~ -ā alternation: compensatory lengthening after deletion of the coda nasal (Stem-level vowel hiatus resolution)
- The -ni ~ -∅ alternation: deletion of stressed light syllables that cannot form a binary foot (Word-level phonology)
This unified underlying form means the "stem alternation" is not a single alternation at all, but the combined effect of two regular phonological processes acting on the same input.
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All weak nouns share the same underlying -am-ni.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakUnderlying = { nExponent := "am", sgSuffix := "ni" }
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The two alternations differ in their sensitivity to locality. @cite{aitha-2026} (§4.1) shows this via Q-postposing constructions:
- Strong: oblique can be triggered across an intervening quantifier (structural locality — the case head c-commands n)
- Weak: the alternation is determined by the linearly adjacent syllable, not by structural position
This difference supports the claim that the strong alternation is morphosyntactic (structural, can skip intervening material) while the weak alternation is phonological (linear adjacency required).
- structural : LocalityType
- linear : LocalityType
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Candidates for the Stem-level metrical parse of samudr-am 'ocean-n' (underlying syllable weights: CV.CV.CVC = L.L.H).
- llU_H : StemCandidate
(ˈsa.mu).dram — one bimoraic foot, final H unparsed.
- l_l_H : StemCandidate
(ˈsa).(ˌmu).(ˌdram) — two degenerate feet + one bimoraic.
- ll_H : StemCandidate
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram) — two bimoraic feet. Optimal.
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Map each candidate to its MetricalParse representation.
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FT-BIN(μ): penalizes non-bimoraic feet.
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PARSE-SYL: penalizes unparsed syllables.
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ALL-FT-LEFT: penalizes feet distant from the left edge.
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Stem-level constraint ranking: FT-BIN ≫ PARSE-SYL ≫ ALL-FT-LEFT.
FT-BIN dominates PARSE-SYL: it is better to leave a syllable unparsed than to create a degenerate (monomoraic) foot.
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The optimal Stem-level parse is (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram): two well-formed moraic trochees, (LL)(H), with no unparsed syllables.
The singular suffix -ni carries prespecified stress. This prespecification, interacting with FT-BIN(μ) and IDENT-STRESS at the Word level, drives deletion of -ni when it is PrWd-final and cannot form a binary foot.
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Word-level candidates for the NOM input (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ní. Stressed -ni is PrWd-final: no following suffix to pair with.
- destress : WordCandNom
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ni — stress on -ni removed.
- degenerateFoot : WordCandNom
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).(ˌní) — -ni as degenerate (monomoraic) foot.
- deleteI_coda : WordCandNom
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdramn) — nucleic /i/ deleted, /n/ joins coda → complex.
- deleteIM : WordCandNom
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdran) — /i/ and /m/ deleted, Stem edge misaligned.
- deleteNi : WordCandNom
☞ (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram) — /ni/ fully deleted.
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Word-level ranking for NOM.
| Candidate | ID-STR | FT-BIN | *CxCODA | AL-R | MAX(μ) | MAX |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| destress | 1* | |||||
| degenerateFoot | 1* | |||||
| deleteI_coda | 1* | 1 | 1 | |||
| deleteIM | 1* | 2 | 2 | |||
| ☞ deleteNi | 1 | 2 |
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Word level, NOM: PrWd-final stressed -ni is deleted. Surface: samudr-am (short form).
Word-level candidates for the DAT input (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ní.ki. The light suffix -ki is PrWd-internal, so -ni can form a bimoraic foot (ˌní.ki) — but the /mn/ boundary violates *DIST-0.
- faithful : WordCandDat
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).(ˌní.ki) — faithful. /mn/ boundary retained.
- resyllabify : WordCandDat
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdra).(ˌmí.ki) — /m/ resyllabified as onset.
- deleteNi : WordCandDat
(ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ki — /ni/ deleted, -ki degenerate.
- compLengthen : WordCandDat
☞ (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdrā).(ˌní.ki) — /m/ deleted, /a/→/ā/ (CL).
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Word-level ranking for DAT. Same constraint set as NOM, with *DIST-0 additionally relevant (eliminates faithful candidate).
| Candidate | *DIST-0 | AL-R | ID-STR | FT-BIN | MAX(μ) | MAX |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| faithful | 1* | |||||
| resyllabify | 1* | |||||
| deleteNi | 1* | 1 | 2 | |||
| ☞ compLengthen | 1 | 1 |
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Word level, DAT: /mn/ boundary repaired by compensatory lengthening. Surface: samudr-āni-ki (long form).
The same constraint system derives both surface forms from the same underlying -am-ni. The difference is purely phonological: whether a light suffix follows within the PrWd.
- NOM (no suffix): -ni is PrWd-final → deleted → short
- DAT (-ki follows): -ni pairs with -ki → /mn/ repaired → long
This completes the derivation that the weakFormPredicted function
(§3) stipulates: the alternation is now DERIVED from OT constraint
interaction, not encoded by fiat.
Map Word-level optimal outputs to WeakStemForm.
NOM deleteNi = short (the -ni is gone, surface is -am).
DAT compLengthen = long (the -am becomes -ā, -ni survives as -āni).
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Predict the weak stem form from the following morphological element.
Uses MorphElement.triggersLongForm from ProsodicWord: the long
form surfaces iff the following element is PrWd-internal AND begins
with a light syllable.
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- Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.weakSurfaceFromPrWd none = Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026.WeakStemForm.short
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Postposition -gurinci 'about' begins with a light syllable, yet triggers the short form — because it is PrWd-external. This is the key evidence that the conditioning is PrWd membership, not syllable weight alone.
The PrWd-based prediction matches the original paradigm data for all five cases in the canonical weak paradigm.
The PrWd-based prediction agrees with the original weakParadigm
for all five cases. This closes the gap between the phonological
derivation (OT + PrWd) and the empirical data (paradigm).
The two alternation patterns have fundamentally different analyses:
- Strong alternation: ABB pattern (contiguous on containment hierarchy) → case-conditioned contextual allomorphy (VI).
- Weak alternation: ABAB pattern (violates *ABA) → phonological alternation conditioned by syllable weight within PrWd.
The strong alternation depends on structural position (Elsewhere Condition + ACC feature); the weak alternation depends on linear adjacency to a light syllable (phonological locality).
The outward sensitivity of the weak alternation: the form of n (closer to root) depends on material further from the root (case and agreement suffixes). Under root-out VI, this is impossible — suffixes are not yet inserted when n receives its exponent.
Telugu's hasACC exactly mirrors Core.Case.isNonnom via toCore.
This confirms the study's case-feature assignments are consistent with
the containment hierarchy infrastructure.
The Telugu 5-case inventory is contiguous on Blake's typological hierarchy (@cite{blake-1994}).
The strong alternation pattern derived from VI output matches the
strongAllomorphyPattern used for the *ABA check.
This is the end-to-end chain: VI rules → surface forms → ABB pattern → contiguous.
The proof constructs the pattern from strongSurface by checking whether
each case gets the NOM form (= 0) or the OBL form (= 1).
End-to-end argumentation chain:
- Strong alternation: VI derives ABB → contiguous → valid case allomorphy
- Weak alternation: ABAB pattern → non-contiguous → cannot be case allomorphy
- Weak alternation: outward-sensitive → incompatible with root-out VI
- THEREFORE: weak alternation is phonological, not morphological