Italian Verb Entries @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}

Italian attitude and causative-attitude verbs, with emphasis on the di/a infinitival alternation documented in @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}.

The di/a Alternation

Italian convincere ('convince') selects two distinct infinitival complements:

• di + infinitive → CP-sized → CLOSURE applies → belief reading "Maria ha convinto Paolo di essere in pericolo" ('Maria convinced Paolo that he was in danger')
• a + infinitive → sub-CP (aP) → no CLOSURE → intention reading "Maria ha convinto Paolo a partire" ('Maria convinced Paolo to leave')

The complement marker (di vs a) tracks the complement's structural size, which determines the rational attitude reading.

inductive Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer : Type

Italian infinitival complementizers, each associated with a complement size.

• di: introduces CP-sized infinitival complements (propositional)
• a: introduces sub-CP (aP) infinitival complements (event predicate)
• che: introduces full finite CP complements

• di : InfComplementizer
• a_ : InfComplementizer

instance Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instDecidableEqInfComplementizer : DecidableEq InfComplementizer

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instDecidableEqInfComplementizer x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqInfComplementizer.beq : InfComplementizer → InfComplementizer → Bool

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqInfComplementizer.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)

instance Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqInfComplementizer : BEq InfComplementizer

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqInfComplementizer = { beq := Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqInfComplementizer.beq }

instance Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprInfComplementizer : Repr InfComplementizer

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprInfComplementizer = { reprPrec := Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprInfComplementizer.repr }

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprInfComplementizer.repr : InfComplementizer → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer.complementSize : InfComplementizer → Minimalism.ComplementSize

The complement size selected by each Italian infinitival complementizer.

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer.di.complementSize = Minimalism.ComplementSize.cP
• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer.a_.complementSize = Minimalism.ComplementSize.vP

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer.reading : InfComplementizer → Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading

The rational attitude reading derived from each complementizer.

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer.reading = Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.readingFromSize ∘ Fragments.Italian.Predicates.InfComplementizer.complementSize

structure Fragments.Italian.Predicates.ItalianVerbEntryextends Core.Verbs.VerbCore : Type

An Italian verb entry extending VerbCore with the infinitival complementizer alternation.

• form : String
• complementType : ComplementType
• subjectEntailments : Option Semantics.Lexical.Verb.EntailmentProfile.EntailmentProfile
• objectEntailments : Option Semantics.Lexical.Verb.EntailmentProfile.EntailmentProfile
• controlType : ControlType
• altComplementType : Option ComplementType
• altControlType : ControlType
• unaccusative : Bool
• voiceType : Option VoiceType
• passivizable : Bool
• implicitObj : Option ImplicitInterp
• implicitGoal : Option ImplicitInterp
• speechActVerb : Bool
• vendlerClass : Option Semantics.Tense.Aspect.LexicalAspect.VendlerClass
• degreeAchievementScale : Option Semantics.Lexical.Verb.DegreeAchievement.DegreeAchievementScale
• verbIncClass : Option Semantics.Events.Krifka1998.VerbIncClass
• presupType : Option PresupTriggerType
• projectionBehavior : Option ProjectionBehavior
• selectsDimension : Option Semantics.Probabilistic.Measurement.Dimension
• cosType : Option Semantics.Lexical.Verb.ChangeOfState.CoSType
• implicativeBuilder : Option Nadathur2024.Implicative.ImplicativeBuilder
• causativeBuilder : Option NadathurLauer2020.CausativeBuilder
• causalSource : Option Semantics.Causation.PsychCausation.CausalSource
• opaqueContext : Bool
• attitudeBuilder : Option AttitudeBuilder
• takesQuestionBase : Bool
• complementSig : Option NaturalLogic.EntailmentSig
• senseTag : SenseTag
• levinClass : Option LevinClass
• rootProfile : Option RootProfile
• infComplements : List InfComplementizer

  Which infinitival complementizers the verb selects

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprItalianVerbEntry.repr : ItalianVerbEntry → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

instance Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprItalianVerbEntry : Repr ItalianVerbEntry

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprItalianVerbEntry = { reprPrec := Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instReprItalianVerbEntry.repr }

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqItalianVerbEntry.beq : ItalianVerbEntry → ItalianVerbEntry → Bool

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqItalianVerbEntry.beq { toVerbCore := a, infComplements := a_1 } { toVerbCore := b, infComplements := b_1 } = (a == b && a_1 == b_1)
• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqItalianVerbEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false

instance Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqItalianVerbEntry : BEq ItalianVerbEntry

Equations

• Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqItalianVerbEntry = { beq := Fragments.Italian.Predicates.instBEqItalianVerbEntry.beq }

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.convincere : ItalianVerbEntry

convincere 'convince' — causative attitude verb with dual infinitival selection. Takes di-infinitives (belief) and a-infinitives (intention).

@cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}, ex. (4):

• (4a) Marco ha convinto Gianni di avere un figlio (belief)
• (4b) Marco ha convinto Gianni a avere un figlio (intention)

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.credere : ItalianVerbEntry

credere 'believe' — standard doxastic attitude verb. Takes di-infinitives and che-finite clauses (belief only).

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.volere : ItalianVerbEntry

volere 'want' — core desiderative verb, robustly subjunctive-selecting.

@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1: Italian 'want' takes SBJV (marginally %IND).

• (4a) Gianni vuole che Maria sia/%è contenta. (SBJV preferred)
• (4b) Gianni vuole essere contento. (INF)

Equations

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def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.sperare : ItalianVerbEntry

sperare 'hope' — cross-linguistically variable mood selection.

@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1: Italian 'hope' takes SBJV, %IND marginal.

• (12) Gianni spera che Maria sia/%è contenta. (SBJV preferred) Unlike volere, sperare allows indicative marginally in Italian and freely in other Romance languages (French espérer, Portuguese esperar).

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.intendere : ItalianVerbEntry

intendere 'intend' — intention-reporting verb, robustly rejects indicative.

@cite{grano-2024}, §2.2: Italian 'intend' primarily uses the periphrastic avere intenzione di or the control verb intendere. Indicative complements are never accepted. The rare literary usage with subjunctive (ex. 30, from Treccani) has a 'demand'-like interpretation.

• (20) Intendo / Ho intenzione di andare al parco oggi. (INF only)
• (28) *Intendo che Giovanni vada/va al parco oggi. (rejected)

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Fragments.Italian.Predicates.fare_caus : ItalianVerbEntry

fare 'make' — causative verb, robustly rejects indicative.

@cite{grano-2024}, §2.4: Italian causatives accept nonfinite and subjunctive (with sì che) but reject indicative complements.

• (39) Ho fatto andare Giovanni al parco. (INF)
• (42a) Ho fatto sì che Giovanni andasse/*è andato al parco. (SBJV/*IND)

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.di_yields_belief : InfComplementizer.di.reading = Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading.belief

di-infinitives yield belief readings.

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.a_yields_intention : InfComplementizer.a_.reading = Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading.intention

a-infinitives yield intention readings.

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.convincere_dual_reading : List.map InfComplementizer.reading convincere.infComplements = [Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading.belief, Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading.intention]

convincere supports both readings (one per complementizer).

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.credere_belief_only : List.map InfComplementizer.reading credere.infComplements = [Semantics.Attitudes.RationalAttitude.Reading.belief]

credere supports only the belief reading.

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.convincere_alternation_is_structural : InfComplementizer.di.complementSize ≠ InfComplementizer.a_.complementSize ∧ InfComplementizer.di.reading ≠ InfComplementizer.a_.reading

The di/a alternation in convincere is structurally grounded: the two complementizers select different complement sizes, which deterministically map to different attitude readings.

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.volere_is_want_class : volere.levinClass = some LevinClass.want

volere has Levin want-class (core desiderative).

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.sperare_not_want_class : sperare.levinClass ≠ some LevinClass.want

sperare does NOT have Levin want-class (explains mood variation).

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.intendere_is_want_class : intendere.levinClass = some LevinClass.want

intendere has Levin want-class (patterns with volere on mood).

theorem Fragments.Italian.Predicates.mood_asymmetry_predicted : volere.levinClass = some LevinClass.want ∧ intendere.levinClass = some LevinClass.want ∧ sperare.levinClass ≠ some LevinClass.want

volere and intendere share want-class; sperare does not. This predicts the mood choice asymmetry: volere/intendere robustly reject indicative, while sperare varies (@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1).