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Linglib.Theories.Syntax.Minimalism.CombinationSchemata

Classification of Merge into Three Combination Schemata #

@cite{mueller-2013}

Explicit classification of Minimalist Merge operations into @cite{mueller-2013}'s three universal combination schemata: Head-Complement, Head-Specifier, Head-Filler.

The existing MergeUnification.lean proves that Internal and External Merge are the same operation. This file further classifies Merge by combination kind:

Merge typePreconditionSchema
External (selection holds)selectsB a bHead-Complement
External (specifier)neither selects, arg is maximalHead-Specifier
Internalcontains target moverHead-Filler

Connection to @cite{mueller-2013} #

Classification of Merge #

Classify an Internal Merge (known to have containment).

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    Which daughter is the head? #

    Determine which daughter is the head of a Merge.

    The head is the daughter whose label matches the result's label. In Minimalism, this is determined by which element projects.

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      Key theorems #

      External Merge with selection is Head-Complement.

      When one SO selects the other (first merge consuming a selectional feature), this is the Head-Complement schema: the selector is the head, the selectee is the complement.

      External Merge without selection is Head-Specifier.

      When neither SO selects the other (e.g., subject merging with TP), this is the Head-Specifier schema.

      Internal Merge is always Head-Filler.

      Movement (re-merge of a contained element) is always the Head-Filler schema, regardless of what the mover or target looks like.

      The classification is exhaustive: every External Merge is either Head-Complement or Head-Specifier.

      Label = Head Feature Principle: when α selects β, the label of {α, β} = label α.

      This is the Minimalist analogue of the Head Feature Principle: the selector projects, so the result's label equals the selector's label.

      Monovalent Verb Serialization Problem (@cite{mueller-2013} §2.3) #

      In Stabler's non-directional MG, a monovalent verb's only argument is classified as a complement (Head-Complement, since the verb selects it). Left-to-right linearization places the complement after the head, yielding "*Sleeps Max" instead of "Max sleeps".

      Stabler's fix — positing an ad hoc empty object — is "entirely stipulative and entirely ad hoc, being motivated only by the wish to have uniform structures" (Müller, p. 937).

      "sleeps" — a monovalent verb (category V, selects D).

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        "Max" — a proper name (category D, no selectional features).

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          Left-to-right linearization of merge(sleeps, Max) gives "sleeps Max". This is the wrong order for English — it should be "Max sleeps".

          The desired order differs from the linearization.