Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Tense.Evidential

Tense and Evidence #

@cite{cumming-2026} @cite{reichenbach-1947}

@cite{cumming-2026} argues that English nonfuture tenses encode an evidential constraint: the speaker's evidence must be causally downstream of the described event. The formal backbone is a triple (S, A, T) — speech time, evidence-acquisition time, topic-event time — with language-specific ordering constraints on these parameters.

The (S, A, T) System #

Extending Reichenbach's (S, R, E), Cumming adds A (evidence-acquisition time): the time at which the speaker acquires the evidence grounding the assertion. Nonfuture tenses (past, present) impose T ≤ A — evidence is downstream of the event. Future tense lifts this constraint.

Cross-linguistic Data #

The paper's tables (17)–(22) show that Korean (-te, -ney) and Bulgarian (-l) tense morphology systematically interacts with evidential perspective. Paradigm data is in Fragments/{English/Tense, Korean/Evidentials, Bulgarian/Evidentials}; verification theorems are in Phenomena/Cumming2026/Bridge.lean.

EP/UP Constraint Enums #

EPCondition and UPCondition enumerate the distinct constraint shapes attested across the three languages. Each has a toConstraint method that recovers the predicate over EvidentialFrame. This replaces the earlier design where paradigm entries stored opaque lambdas.

Connection to Modal Evidentiality #

The tense evidential constraint parallels @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2010} kernelMust presupposition: both require non-direct evidence. The bridge between these two phenomena is formalized in Comparisons/TenseModalEvidentiality.lean.

Connection to Core.Evidence #

EPCondition.toEvidentialPerspective maps the five EP constraint shapes to the canonical EvidentialPerspective classification in Core.Evidence.

Cumming's (S, A, T) frame. Extends Reichenbach with an evidence-acquisition time A. S = speechTime, T = eventTime, A = acquisitionTime. The existing referenceTime (R) stays — it governs utterance perspective independently.

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    Evidential perspective constraint shapes attested across English, Korean, and Bulgarian (@cite{cumming-2026}, Tables 17–22). Each value corresponds to a distinct ordering on T vs A.

    • downstream : EPCondition

      T ≤ A: evidence downstream of event (English past/progressive, Bulgarian NFUT).

    • strictDownstream : EPCondition

      T < A: strict downstream (Korean -te PAST, -ney PAST).

    • contemporaneous : EPCondition

      T = A: contemporaneous evidence (Korean -te PRES, -ney PRES).

    • prospective : EPCondition

      A < T: prospective evidence (Korean -te FUT, -ney FUT, English will-have/will-now, Bulgarian FUT).

    • unconstrained : EPCondition

      No EP constraint (English bare future/will).

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        Utterance perspective constraint shapes attested across the three languages. Each value corresponds to a distinct ordering on T vs S.

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            A row in a tense-aspect-mood-evidentiality paradigm table. Generalizes @cite{cumming-2026}'s tense-evidential paradigm (Tables 17–22) with optional mood and mirativity fields, enabling unified TAME fragment entries. Existing { label, ep, up } constructions still work because mood and mirative have default values (none).

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              Is this a nonfuture tense? Derived from the EP constraint.

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                The EP constraint as a predicate over EvidentialFrame.

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                  The UP constraint as a predicate over EvidentialFrame.

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                    Cumming's constraint (10): evidence is downstream of the event. T ≤ A — the event precedes (or coincides with) evidence acquisition.

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                      Any nonfuture EP constraint entails downstream evidence (T ≤ A). One proof, five cases — the three nonfuture cases follow from ≤, <, = respectively; the two non-nonfuture cases are eliminated by h_nf.

                      Nonfuture meaning as a presuppositional proposition: the presupposition is that evidence is downstream (T ≤ A); the assertion is the bare propositional content p.

                      This captures the non-truth-conditional status of the evidential constraint: it is a felicity condition (presupposition), not part of what is asserted. Parameterized over an arbitrary world type W.

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                        The presupposition of nonfutureMeaning checks downstream evidence.

                        Evidential Shift as Tower Push #

                        @cite{cumming-2026}'s key insight is that nonfuture tenses encode an evidential constraint: T ≤ A (evidence is downstream of the event). In the tower framework, this is modeled as a property of the local context at the tense's depth: the evidence-acquisition time at that tower layer must be downstream of the event time.

                        The evidentialShift changes the evidence-acquisition time in the context, modeling the operator that introduces a new evidential perspective (e.g., a hearsay report shifts the acquisition time to report time).

                        def Semantics.Tense.Evidential.evidentialTimeShift {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (acquisitionTime : T) :

                        Evidential shift: changes the time coordinate to the evidence-acquisition time. When the temporal coordinate of a KContext represents the evidence-acquisition time (Cumming's A), this shift moves A to a new value.

                        In the tower framework, a hearsay report pushes an evidential shift that sets A to the time of the report.

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                          @[simp]
                          theorem Semantics.Tense.Evidential.evidentialTimeShift_sets_time {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (acquisitionTime : T) (c : Core.Context.KContext W E P T) :
                          ((evidentialTimeShift acquisitionTime).apply c).time = acquisitionTime

                          Pushing an evidential shift sets the time to the acquisition time.

                          def Semantics.Tense.Evidential.downstreamAtDepth {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} [Preorder T] (tower : Core.Context.ContextTower (Core.Context.KContext W E P T)) (eventTime : T) (depth : ) :

                          Cumming's downstream evidence constraint as a property of the tower's local context: at the tense's depth, the event time must not exceed the acquisition time (the time coordinate at that layer).

                          This bridges Cumming's frame-level constraint T ≤ A to the tower's depth-indexed context.

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                            theorem Semantics.Tense.Evidential.downstreamAtDepth_root_eq {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} [Preorder T] (c : Core.Context.KContext W E P T) (eventTime : T) :

                            In a root tower whose origin time is the acquisition time, downstreamAtDepth at depth 0 is equivalent to the frame-level downstreamEvidence constraint.

                            theorem Semantics.Tense.Evidential.downstream_preserved_by_nondecreasing_shift {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} [Preorder T] (tower : Core.Context.ContextTower (Core.Context.KContext W E P T)) (σ : Core.Context.ContextShift (Core.Context.KContext W E P T)) (eventTime : T) (k : ) (h_downstream : downstreamAtDepth tower eventTime k) (h_nondecreasing : (tower.contextAt k).time (σ.apply (tower.contextAt k)).time) :
                            eventTime (σ.apply (tower.contextAt k)).time

                            The downstream constraint is preserved by nondecreasing shifts: if T ≤ A holds at depth k, and the shift at depth k doesn't decrease the time coordinate, then T ≤ A still holds after the shift.