Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Modality.BiasedPQ

Biased Polar Questions #

@cite{bring-gunlogson-2000} @cite{ladd-1981} @cite{repp-2013} @cite{romero-2019} @cite{romero-2024} @cite{romero-han-2004} @cite{simik-2024} @cite{stankova-2025}

Cross-linguistic framework for polar question bias, following @cite{romero-2024}. Polar questions come in three forms — PosQ, LoNQ, HiNQ — which differ in sensitivity to two independent bias dimensions: original speaker bias and contextual evidence bias.

Two Bias Dimensions #

  1. Original speaker bias: The speaker's prior epistemic state (belief/expectation) about p before the current exchange.
  2. Contextual evidence bias: Expectation about p induced by evidence that becomes available during the current exchange.

Three Theoretical Lines for High Negation #

@cite{romero-2020} clusters analyses into three lines:

We formalize VERUM and FALSUM (line b) using existing Kratzer modal and CommonGround infrastructure, as this is the line adopted by Staňková (2026) for Czech.

The three polar question forms (@cite{romero-2024} §1, exx. 1–3).

These forms are cross-linguistically attested and constitute the fundamental typology for polar question bias research.

  • PosQ : PQForm

    Positive question: [p?]. "Is Jane coming?"

  • LoNQ : PQForm

    Low negation question: [not p?]. "Is Jane not coming?"

  • HiNQ : PQForm

    High negation question: [n't p?]. "Isn't Jane coming?" In Czech: interrogative (VSO) word order.

Instances For
    Equations
    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
    Instances For

      Original speaker bias.

      Belief or expectation of the speaker that p is true, based on her epistemic state prior to the current situational context and conversational exchange.

      • forP : OriginalBias

        Speaker originally expected/believed p.

      • neutral : OriginalBias

        Speaker had no prior expectation about p.

      • againstP : OriginalBias

        Speaker originally expected/believed ¬p.

      Instances For
        Equations
        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
        Instances For

          Original speaker bias conditions on PQ forms (@cite{romero-2024} Table 1).

          Only HiNQ mandatorily conveys original speaker bias for p. LoNQ can convey bias for p but can also be neutral. PosQ is compatible with bias for ¬p or neutrality but was not tested for bias for p.

          Equations
          Instances For

            Contextual evidence bias conditions on PQ forms (@cite{romero-2024} Table 2, @cite{bring-gunlogson-2000}).

            PosQ requires evidence for p (or neutral). LoNQ requires evidence against p. Outer-HiNQ is felicitous with neutral or against-p evidence.

            Equations
            Instances For

              VERUM operator (@cite{romero-han-2004}, line b).

              ⟦VERUM_x⟧ = λp. λw. ∀w' ∈ Epi_x(w). ∀w'' ∈ Conv_x(w'). [p ∈ CG]

              "x is sure that p should be added to the Common Ground."

              We model this as: in all epistemically accessible worlds where the speaker's conversational goals are fulfilled, p is in the CG. This is a double universal: necessity over epistemic alternatives, then necessity over conversational goals.

              Equations
              • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
              Instances For

                FALSUM operator (@cite{repp-2013}, @cite{romero-2019}, @cite{romero-2024} def. 33).

                At-issue content: ¬p CG-management content: ∀w' ∈ Epi(w). ∀w'' ∈ Conv(w'). [p ∉ CG]

                "x is sure that p should NOT be added to the Common Ground."

                FALSUM is the CG-management negation of VERUM. The at-issue content is simply ¬p, while the non-at-issue content (CG-management) expresses that p is not to become common ground.

                Instances For

                  Construct FALSUM content for a proposition p.

                  Equations
                  • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                  Instances For

                    Czech FALSUM (@cite{simik-2024} eq. 44), weaker than standard FALSUM.

                    ⟦FALSUM_1^CZ⟧^g(p) = λw : ∃w' ∈ EPI_{g(1)}(w)[p(w') = 1]. p ∉ CG_w

                    Key differences from Repp's FALSUM:

                    1. Weak commitment: epistemic possibility rather than necessity/belief
                    2. Not tied to speaker/addressee: attitude holder g(1) can be anyone
                    3. Commitment not at issue: it is a presupposition/conventional implicature
                    4. Not conventionally tied to conversational goals: the commitment need not be at stake in the conversation

                    This weaker version accounts for the broader distribution of Czech InterNPQs compared to English high negation PQs: Czech FALSUM^CZ is compatible with more bias configurations because it only requires epistemic possibility, not belief.

                    Instances For

                      Construct @cite{simik-2024}'s FALSUM^CZ for a proposition p.

                      The attitude holder's epistemic state is modeled via the modal base (their epistemic alternatives).

                      Equations
                      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                      Instances For

                        Standard FALSUM entails FALSUM^CZ definedness: if the speaker believes p is possible (necessity over goals), then they certainly consider it possible. This captures why standard FALSUM is a special case of FALSUM^CZ.

                        Náhodou 'by chance' loosens the stereotypical ordering source of FALSUM^CZ to include more remote (less stereotypical) possibilities.

                        @cite{simik-2024} §5.1: "its function is to 'loosen' the default stereotypical ordering source of the epistemic modal contributed by FALSUM so as to include more remote (less likely) possibilities in the quantification domain of the modal."

                        Formally, náhodou replaces the ordering source g with a weaker g' such that Best(f, g', w) ⊇ Best(f, g, w). The resulting proposition is stronger because ruling out p in less likely worlds entails ruling it out in more likely worlds.

                        Equations
                        Instances For

                          With náhodou, FALSUM^CZ quantifies over a larger set of worlds, making the epistemic possibility condition easier to satisfy. This is why náhodou is licensed in contexts where the speaker's evidence is weaker — it signals willingness to explore remote possibilities.

                          theorem Semantics.Modality.BiasedPQ.nahodou_widens_domain.List.mem_of_subset {α : Type} {l1 l2 : List α} {x : α} (h : yl1, y l2) (hx : x l1) :
                          x l2

                          Evidential bias flavor (Staňková 2026 §3.1).

                          □_ev is a Kratzer necessity modal where:

                          • Modal base: the context set (what is established in the discourse)
                          • Ordering source: stereotypical/evidential (how "normal" a world is)
                          • Force: necessity

                          This captures evidential bias in PQs: the speaker's expectation about the answer, derived from contextual evidence rather than prior epistemic state. It corresponds to Romero's "contextual evidence bias" dimension.

                          Instances For

                            Inner negation scopes under □_ev: □_ev(¬p).

                            Strong evidential bias: based on the context, it must be that ¬p.

                            Equations
                            Instances For

                              Medial negation scopes over □_ev: ¬□_ev(p).

                              Weak evidential bias: it's not the case that p must hold.

                              Equations
                              Instances For

                                Inner bias entails medial bias given seriality (D axiom): □_ev(¬p) → ¬□_ev(p), provided Best(f,g,w) is non-empty.

                                TODO: The seriality condition holds whenever the modal base is realistic (cf. Kratzer.realistic_is_serial).

                                Outer negation (FALSUM) is obligatorily focused (Staňková 2026 §3.2, §4).

                                FALSUM targets discourse polarity — whether p is or is not in the CG. Focus on FALSUM generates Rooth alternatives on polarity.

                                The focus semantic value of FALSUM: {λw[p ∉ CG], λw[p ∈ CG]}.

                                Equations
                                Instances For

                                  FALSUM generates exactly two alternatives (polarity contrast).

                                  Equations
                                  • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                  Instances For

                                    Strength of evidential bias associated with a negation scope configuration.

                                    This bridges Romero's two-dimensional bias typology to Staňková's three-way Czech distinction:

                                    • Inner neg → strong contextual evidence bias (must be ¬p)
                                    • Medial neg → weak contextual evidence bias (doesn't have to be p)
                                    • Outer neg (FALSUM) → original speaker bias, no □_ev involvement
                                    Instances For
                                      Equations
                                      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                      Instances For