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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.Embedding

Numeral Embedding Semantics #

@cite{bylinina-nouwen-2020} @cite{coppock-beaver-2014} @cite{gajewski-2007} @cite{horn-1972} @cite{kaufmann-2012} @cite{kennedy-2015} @cite{meier-2003} @cite{musolino-2004} @cite{nouwen-2006} @cite{penka-2006} @cite{solt-waldon-2019} @cite{kiparsky-kiparsky-1970} @cite{heim-2000}

Formal predictions of lower-bound vs exact numeral theories under embedding: negation, modals, "exactly" modification, conditionals, exhaustification, approximators ("almost"), focus particles ("only"), and QUD-convexity.

The theories agree on bare numerals at the numeral's own cardinality but diverge sharply in embedded environments. All embedding functions are parameterized by NumeralTheory so divergence theorems compare LowerBound vs Exact directly.

Key Results #

EmbeddingLowerBoundExactDiverge?
¬(three) at 4false (4≥3, so ¬ fails)true (4≠3)
◇(two) at [3]true (3≥2)false (3≠2)
□(three) at [3,4]true (both ≥3)false (4≠3)
exactly(three)informativeredundant
almost(three) at 4false (polar blocks)true (4≠3, proximal)
¬(three) convexityconvex (<3)non-convex (≠3)
EXH(two) at 2true (≥2 ∧ ¬≥3)true (=2)✗ (convergence)

Negation: ¬(numeral meaning).

"John doesn't have three children"

  • LB: ¬(n ≥ 3) = n < 3
  • BL: ¬(n = 3) = n ≠ 3
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    Modal possibility: ∃ accessible world where numeral holds.

    "You are allowed to eat two biscuits"

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      Modal necessity: ∀ accessible worlds, numeral holds.

      "You must read three books"

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        "Exactly" modification: always exact regardless of base theory.

        "John has exactly three children" — always means =n.

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          Conditional antecedent: material conditional with numeral in restrictor.

          "If you have three children, you qualify" Conditional is true when antecedent is false OR consequent is true.

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            Exhaustivity operator: strengthens meaning by negating the next stronger alternative.

            Under LB: EXH(≥n) = ≥n ∧ ¬(≥(n+1)) = =n Under BL: EXH(=n) = =n (vacuous, since =n already excludes n+1)

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              EXH-under-◇: ◇(EXH(numeral)) — exhaustification below the modal.

              "It's possible to eat exactly two..."

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                EXH-over-◇: EXH(◇(numeral)) — exhaustification above the modal.

                "It's possible to eat at-least-two but NOT possible to eat at-least-three" Captures Bylinina & Nouwen's (35)/(36) scope distinction.

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                  Core negation divergence: above the numeral.

                  "John doesn't have three children" in world with 4 children:

                  • LB: ¬(4 ≥ 3) = false (4 is at-least-3, so negation fails)
                  • BL: ¬(4 = 3) = true (4 is not-exactly-3, so negation succeeds)

                  Negation agreement below the numeral.

                  Both theories agree: "doesn't have three" is true for someone with 2.

                  Negation agreement at the numeral.

                  Both theories agree: "doesn't have three" is false for someone with exactly 3.

                  Entailment reversal under negation.

                  In isolation: BL entails LB (=3 → ≥3). Under negation: ¬(≥3) entails ¬(=3) but not vice versa. World 4 witnesses the asymmetry.

                  "Exactly" is redundant under Exact: "exactly three" = "three" (BL).

                  Both reduce to maxMeaning.eq — definitionally equal.

                  "Exactly" is informative under LowerBound: restricts ≥3 to =3.

                  At world 4: LB says "three" is true (4 ≥ 3), but "exactly three" is false (4 ≠ 3).

                  Modal possibility: LB is satisfiable by more worlds.

                  "You are allowed to eat two biscuits" with only world 3 accessible:

                  • LB: ◇(≥2) at [3] = true (3 ≥ 2)
                  • BL: ◇(=2) at [3] = false (3 ≠ 2)

                  Modal necessity: BL is harder to satisfy.

                  "You must read three books" with accessible worlds [3, 4]:

                  • LB: □(≥3) = true (3 ≥ 3 ∧ 4 ≥ 3)
                  • BL: □(=3) = false (4 ≠ 3)

                  Conditional antecedent divergence.

                  "If you have three children, you qualify" — does having 4 children trigger it?

                  • LB: 4 ≥ 3 = true, so antecedent holds
                  • BL: 4 = 3 = false, so antecedent fails (conditional vacuously true)

                  Universal restrictor: different domains.

                  "Every student who read three books passed"

                  • LB restrictor includes {3, 4, 5,...}
                  • BL restrictor includes only {3}

                  EXH strengthens LowerBound: ≥n → =n.

                  EXH("two" under LB) at world 2 = true, at world 3 = false.

                  EXH is vacuous under Exact: =n is already exact.

                  exh(BL, "two", n) = BL.meaning("two", n) for n ∈ {1, 2, 3}.

                  After EXH, both theories converge: EXH(LB) = EXH(BL) = =n.

                  This is the key result: pragmatic strengthening under LB converges to the BL bare-numeral meaning.

                  EXH-under-◇ vs EXH-over-◇ diverge under LB with worlds [2, 3].

                  "You are allowed to eat two biscuits":

                  • EXH-under-◇: ◇(EXH(≥2)) = ◇(=2) — possible to eat exactly 2 → true
                  • EXH-over-◇: EXH(◇(≥2)) = ◇(≥2) ∧ ¬◇(≥3) — false (world 3 makes ◇(≥3) true)

                  EXH-scope divergence under BL with worlds [2, 3].

                  • EXH-under-◇: ◇(EXH(=2)) = ◇(=2) — true (world 2)
                  • EXH-over-◇: EXH(◇(=2)) = ◇(=2) ∧ ¬◇(=3) — false (world 3 exists)

                  Proximity to numeral value: within distance 1.

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                    "Almost n": proximal to n but the numeral's meaning is false. Proximal/polar decomposition from @cite{nouwen-2006}.

                    Under LB: close to n AND ¬(≥n) → only values below n Under BL: close to n AND ¬(=n) → values above OR below n

                    The LB/BL divergence argument is from @cite{penka-2006}. @cite{nouwen-2006} shows that polar orientation is context-dependent in general (e.g., "almost that warm" vs "almost that cold" orient in opposite directions).

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                      "Almost three" diverges above: LB excludes 4, BL includes 4.

                      Under LB: 4 ≥ 3 so the polar component blocks it. Under BL: 4 ≠ 3 and 4 is proximal to 3, so "almost three" holds.

                      "Only n" with numeral in focus: assertion + exclusion of stronger alternatives.

                      Truth-conditionally equivalent to EXH on the numeral meaning.

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                        "Only" on numerals is truth-conditionally equivalent to EXH.

                        "Only" is truth-conditionally informative under LB, vacuous under BL.

                        "Only three students passed":

                        • Under LB: "three" at 4 is true (4≥3), but "only three" at 4 is false → informative
                        • Under BL: "three" at 4 is already false (4≠3), "only three" also false → vacuous

                        Worlds 0 through 5 for extended embedding tests.

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                          Convexity: the set of true values on sorted worlds has no internal gaps.

                          For every pair of true values a < c, all intermediate b must also be true. Non-convex denotations are predicted to be infelicitous in neutral QUD contexts.

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                            Negation convexity divergence.

                            ¬(≥3) on [0.5] = {0,1,2} — convex (no gaps). ¬(=3) on [0.5] = {0,1,2,4,5} — non-convex (gap at 3).

                            BL correctly predicts "She doesn't have 40 sheep" is infelicitous in neutral context (non-convex answer). LB incorrectly predicts felicity.

                            EXH scoped under a nominal quantifier (∃): each individual is exhaustified.

                            "Some students answered exactly three questions" Under LB: ∃x[student(x) ∧ EXH(≥3)(answers(x))] = some student answered exactly 3. This is the WEAK reading — per-student exhaustification.

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                              EXH scoped over a nominal quantifier (∃): exhaustifies the existential claim.

                              "Some students answered exactly three questions" — strong reading: EXH(∃x[student(x) ∧ ≥3(answers(x))]) = some answered ≥3 AND none answered ≥4. Heim-Kennedy BLOCKS this reading for numerals.

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                                Heim-Kennedy generalization: degree operators scope over modals but NOT over nominal quantifiers (@cite{heim-2000}, @cite{bylinina-nouwen-2020} §6, examples 40–41).

                                With individuals [3, 4] (one answered 3, one answered 4):

                                • Weak reading (EXH under ∃): true — the student with 3 answered exactly 3.
                                • Strong reading (EXH over ∃): false — blocked because someone answered 4 (≥4).

                                Contrast with the modal case (exh_scope_diverges_lowerBound), where BOTH EXH-under-◇ and EXH-over-◇ are available. The asymmetry is precisely what the degree quantifier analysis predicts via QR constraints.

                                Under Exact, Heim-Kennedy is vacuous: EXH adds nothing to =n, so neither scope yields a strong reading over nominal quantifiers.

                                Imperative compliance divergence.

                                "Read three books!" — reading 5 books:

                                • LB: 5 ≥ 3 → compliant
                                • BL: 5 ≠ 3 → non-compliant

                                Neg-raising "doubt" reduces to negation.

                                "I doubt three students passed" ≈ believe(¬(three passed)).

                                Factive presupposition divergence.

                                "I'm surprised three students passed" presupposes the numeral meaning. At world 5: LB presupposition satisfied (5 ≥ 3), BL violated (5 ≠ 3).

                                Degree "too" monotonicity.

                                "Three is too many" — under LB, entails "four is too many" (both satisfy ≥3). Under BL, no such entailment (4 does not satisfy =3).

                                Acquisition prediction.

                                "Two horses jumped" when 3 jumped:

                                • LB: 3 ≥ 2 → should be accepted
                                • BL: 3 ≠ 2 → should be rejected Children reject, supporting BL.

                                A prediction for a specific embedding environment.

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                                      Do the theories diverge for this prediction?

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                                        Summary of key embedding divergence points.

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