Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.Semantics

Unified Numeral Semantics #

@cite{blok-2015} @cite{goodman-stuhlmuller-2013} @cite{horn-1972} @cite{kennedy-2015} @cite{hackl-2000} @cite{link-1983} @cite{spector-2013}

Consolidates numeral theory infrastructure into a single module. All numeral meanings (bare + modified) flow through maxMeaning. The only theory disagreement is the OrderingRel for bare numerals:

TheoryBare "three"bareRel
Lower-bound≥3.ge
Exact=3.eq

Modified numerals are theory-independent — everyone agrees "more than 3" means .gt.

Sections #

  1. Ordering relations and modifier classification
  2. Unified meaning function (maxMeaning)
  3. BareNumeral type and NumeralExpr
  4. Alternative sets (Kennedy §4.1)
  5. Class A/B theorems, anti-Horn-scale argument
  6. Theory parameterization (NumeralTheory)
  7. Theory instances (LowerBound, Exact)
  8. Derived properties (ambiguity, monotonicity, RSA)
  9. Comparison infrastructure and theorems
  10. GQT bridge theorems
  11. CumminsFranke bridge
  12. Aliases
  13. Verification

The 5 ordering relations used in Kennedy's maximality framework.

Each modified numeral selects one of these relations:

  • .eq: bare numerals ("three" = max = 3)
  • .gt: "more than" (max > 3)
  • .lt: "fewer than" (max < 3)
  • .ge: "at least" (max ≥ 3)
  • .le: "at most" (max ≤ 3)
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      Class A (strict) vs Class B (non-strict) modified numerals.

      The distinction predicts ignorance implicature patterns:

      • Class A (>, <): EXCLUDE the bare-numeral world → no ignorance
      • Class B (≥, ≤): INCLUDE the bare-numeral world → ignorance
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          Upper vs lower bound direction.

          • .upper: constrains from above (at most, fewer than)
          • .lower: constrains from below (at least, more than)
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              The unified meaning function for all numeral expressions.

              maxMeaning rel m n is true iff cardinality n stands in relation rel to threshold m. This captures Kennedy's:

              ⟦modifier m⟧ = λP. max{d | #P ≥ d} REL m

              where n plays the role of max{d | #P ≥ d} and m is the numeral.

              At the cardinality level, maxMeaning.eq also plays the role of @cite{bylinina-nouwen-2020} MANY operator: MANY(n) = λcard. card = n. A proper MANY over plural individuals awaits mereological infrastructure; at the Nat abstraction the two are definitionally equal.

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                @[reducible, inline]

                Bare numeral meaning: max = m (exact cardinality).

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                  Bare numeral utterances (one through five).

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                      A numeral expression: either a bare numeral or a modified numeral.

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                          A numeral alternative in Kennedy's framework.

                          Instead of the traditional Horn scale ⟨1, 2, 3,...⟩, the relevant alternatives for numeral n are:

                          {bare n, more than n, at least n} (lower-bound direction) {bare n, fewer than n, at most n} (upper-bound direction)

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                                Lower-bound alternative set.

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                                  Upper-bound alternative set.

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                                    Class A modifiers EXCLUDE the bare-numeral world.

                                    Class B modifiers INCLUDE the bare-numeral world.

                                    Bare numeral entails "at least n" (Class B ≥).

                                    Bare numeral does NOT entail "more than n" (Class A >).

                                    Exact bare numerals are NOT monotonic.

                                    Bare numerals do not form a traditional Horn scale.

                                    "At least n" is strictly weaker than "bare n" (under bilateral semantics).

                                    "More than n" and "bare n" have disjoint denotations.

                                    Standard list of world states (cardinalities 0-3).

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                                      A semantic theory for number words.

                                      Each theory specifies a bareRel — the ordering relation for bare numerals. All meanings are derived via maxMeaning:

                                      • name : String

                                        Name of the theory

                                      • citation : String

                                        Academic citation

                                      • bareRel : OrderingRel

                                        The key parameter: which ordering relation for bare numerals

                                      • utterances : List BareNumeral

                                        Utterances to consider (default: one, two, three)

                                      • worlds : List

                                        World states to consider (default: 0, 1, 2, 3)

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                                        Derivational direction for the at-least/exactly relationship (@cite{bylinina-nouwen-2020} §5–6).

                                        The four views on numeral semantics differ in which reading is basic:

                                        • exactFromAtLeast: base meaning is at-least (≥n), exact derived via EXH or scalar implicature. Corresponds to LowerBound / @cite{horn-1972} / the modifier–number view.
                                        • atLeastFromExact: base meaning is exact (=n), at-least derived via type-shift or relaxing maximality. Corresponds to Exact / @cite{kennedy-2015} / the degree quantifier view.
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                                            Derive the derivational direction from a theory's bareRel.

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                                              Derived bare-numeral meaning from bareRel.

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                                                Derived meaning for general numeral expressions.

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                                                  Lower-bound numeral theory.

                                                  "Two" means ≥2. The exact interpretation emerges via scalar implicature.

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                                                    Exact numeral theory.

                                                    "Two" means =2 (via maximality). No RSA strengthening needed for bare numerals.

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                                                      Lower-bound derives exact from at-least (@cite{horn-1972}; @cite{bylinina-nouwen-2020} §5).

                                                      Exact derives at-least from exact (@cite{kennedy-2015}; @cite{bylinina-nouwen-2020} §6).

                                                      De-Fregean Type-Shifting: Exact → Lower-Bound #

                                                      @cite{kennedy-2015} shows that the lower-bound meaning of bare numerals can be derived from the exact (de-Fregean) meaning via @cite{partee-1987}'s BE + iota type-shifting operations. The de-Fregean meaning max{n | D(n)} = m is basic; applying BE derives a property λn. n = m; applying iota and existential closure yields ∃x[P(x) ∧ #(x) = m], which is the one-sided (lower-bound) truth condition.

                                                      Key fact: maxMeaning.ge m n ↔ ∃ k ≥ m, maxMeaning.eq k n. The lower-bound reading says "the max is at least m", which holds iff there exists some k ≥ m such that the max is exactly k. This is the formal content of the type-shift.

                                                      def Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.typeLower (exact : Bool) (maxN m n : ) :

                                                      Type-lower the exact meaning to get the lower-bound meaning. Corresponds to Kennedy's derivation via BE + iota + existential closure. typeLower exact m n = true iff ∃ k ≥ m, exact k n = true. We compute this over a bounded range [m, maxN].

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                                                        The lower-bound theory is derivable from the exact theory via type-shifting. For each bare numeral and each standard world, the lower-bound meaning equals the type-lowered exact meaning. This formalizes @cite{kennedy-2015}'s claim that atLeastFromExact is not just a label but a derivational fact: maxMeaning.ge m n = typeLower (maxMeaning.eq) 3 m n for standard worlds.

                                                        theorem Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.typeLower_uniqueness (m n : ) :
                                                        (∃ km, n = k) n m

                                                        Why this is the only type-shift: the equivalence ∃ k ≥ m, n = k ↔ n ≥ m is a tautology of linear orders on ℕ.

                                                        Partee's BE extracts singletons from the GQ; existential closure binds the degree variable; the result is uniquely determined by the linear order on degrees. No other Partee shift + closure mode produces a different reading:

                                                        • BE is the unique GQ→property lowering preserving content
                                                        • Universal closure would give ∀ k ≥ m, n = k, which is false for all n when there exist distinct k₁ ≥ m and k₂ ≥ m (i.e., always for m < maxN)
                                                        • The equivalence is a fact about ℕ, not a design choice
                                                        theorem Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.universal_closure_fails :
                                                        ¬∃ (n : ), k2, k 3n = k

                                                        Universal closure fails: ∀ k ≥ m, n = k is unsatisfiable when there exist distinct k₁, k₂ ≥ m. This rules out the alternative to existential closure.

                                                        EXH and Type-Shifting Are Inverses #

                                                        @cite{spector-2013} (§6.2) presents an approach (from @cite{chierchia-fox-spector-2012}) where the exact reading of bare numerals arises from a covert exhaustivity operator: EXH(≥n) = ≥n ∧ ¬(≥n+1) = (=n). @cite{kennedy-2015} proposes the reverse: the lower-bound reading arises from type-shifting the exact meaning: typeShift(=n) = ∃k≥n.(=k) = (≥n).

                                                        These are inverse operations on the same pair of meanings:

                                                            exact ——typeShift——→ lower-bound
                                                              ↑ |
                                                              └────────EXH────────────┘
                                                        

                                                        For RSA, only the pair {exact, lower-bound} matters — the listener marginalizes over both regardless of which is "basic". But type-shifting is preferable to EXH because:

                                                        1. Independently motivated: @cite{partee-1987} type-shifting applies to all NPs, not just numerals. It's part of the grammar regardless.
                                                        2. No free parameters: The lower-bound meaning is the unique output of type-shifting (proved: typeLower_uniqueness, universal_closure_fails). EXH requires specifying an alternative set.
                                                        3. No distribution problems: EXH must be stipulated as optionally present/absent at various syntactic positions. Type-shifted meanings are always grammatically available (Partee's universal).
                                                        4. Quality filter does the work: In RSA, the quality filter selects between type-shifted meanings based on the speaker's epistemic state. EXH insertion requires an additional mechanism for the listener to reason about.

                                                        Scalar exhaustification for numerals. exhNumeral m n = "the max count is at least m AND NOT at least m+1" = "the max count is exactly m". This is the EXH from @cite{spector-2013} (§6.2) applied to the numeral scalar alternative set {≥k : k is a numeral}.

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                                                          EXH(lower-bound) = exact: Exhaustifying the lower-bound meaning produces the exact meaning. This is the forward direction of the duality.

                                                          typeShift(exact) = lower-bound: Type-shifting the exact meaning produces the lower-bound meaning. This is the backward direction. (Already proved as lowerBound_from_exact_typeshift; restated for symmetry.)

                                                          The EXH–type-shift round-trip is the identity on exact meanings. typeShift(EXH(typeShift(exact))) = typeShift(exact) = lower-bound. Equivalently: starting from exact, type-shifting then exhaustifying recovers exact.

                                                          EXH is redundant given type-shifting. The pair {exact, lower-bound} is obtainable from exact alone (via type-shifting) without EXH. Since type-shifting is independently motivated and produces the unique derived meaning (typeLower_uniqueness), EXH is not needed to generate the ambiguity that RSA marginalizes over.

                                                          Formally: the set of meanings available under Kennedy + type-shifting equals the set available under LB + EXH.

                                                          Strength ordering: w₁ is stronger than w₂ if w₁ entails w₂.

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                                                            Decidable strength comparison.

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                                                              Count worlds compatible with an utterance.

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                                                                List of worlds compatible with an utterance.

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                                                                  Is there semantic ambiguity for this utterance?

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                                                                    Monotonicity: larger numerals are stronger.

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                                                                      Decidable monotonicity check.

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                                                                        A theory is scalar if numerals form a Horn scale.

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                                                                          "two" is compatible with both 2 and 3 (ambiguity exists).

                                                                          "two" is compatible with only world 2 (exact meaning).

                                                                          Do two theories agree on utterance w in world n?

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                                                                            Do two theories agree on utterance w across all worlds?

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                                                                              Find worlds where two theories diverge.

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                                                                                Do two theories agree on all utterances in all worlds?

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                                                                                  Ambiguity difference.

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                                                                                    GQT "at least n" agrees with maxMeaning.ge on intersection cardinality.

                                                                                    GQT "at most n" agrees with maxMeaning.le on intersection cardinality.

                                                                                    GQT "exactly n" agrees with maxMeaning.eq on intersection cardinality.

                                                                                    "More than m" via maximality = n > m.

                                                                                    maxMeaning as ℕ-pullback of Core.Scale degree properties #

                                                                                    maxMeaning computes over independently — it works, but the degree properties in Core.Scale (atLeastDeg, moreThanDeg, etc.) are the canonical scale-level definitions. These bridge theorems prove that maxMeaning is the Bool/decidable restriction of Core.Scale degree properties, connecting ℕ-level computation to scale-level definitions.

                                                                                    This means density predictions (moreThan_noMaxInf, atLeast_hasMaxInf) flow compositionally from Core.Scale through numeral semantics.

                                                                                    Literal/exact semantics for numeral expressions. "six feet" is true of x iff μ_height(x) = 183.

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                                                                                      "At least n" semantics (lower-bound reading).

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                                                                                        def Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.numeralApprox {E : Type} [Core.Scale.HasDegree E] (stated tolerance : ) (entity : E) :

                                                                                        Approximate match with tolerance (for vagueness/imprecision).

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                                                                                          A measure predicate maps entities to degrees along some dimension.

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                                                                                            Construct a MeasurePredicate from a HasDegree instance

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                                                                                              A degree phrase denotes a specific degree value. "1000 dollars" denotes the degree 1000 (in dollar units).

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                                                                                                    Construct a degree phrase from a rational number

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                                                                                                      Construct a degree phrase from a natural number

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                                                                                                        Compositional semantics for measure sentences. ⟦X measure-pred degree-phrase⟧ = μ(X) = d

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                                                                                                          Compositional semantics using HasDegree directly.

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                                                                                                            The compositional measure sentence semantics equals the simple numeral check.

                                                                                                            MeasurePredicate.fromHasDegree produces the HasDegree measure function.

                                                                                                            Measure sentences compose correctly with HasDegree-derived predicates.

                                                                                                            def Semantics.Lexical.Numeral.numeralWithPrecision {E : Type} [Core.Scale.HasDegree E] (stated : ) (entity : E) (mode : Precision.PrecisionMode) (base : := 10) :

                                                                                                            Numeral semantics with precision mode. "1000 dollars" under exact mode: true iff cost = 1000 "1000 dollars" under approximate mode: true iff Round(cost) = 1000

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