Some: At least one A is a B
Equations
- Semantics.Dynamic.PLA.GQRel.some A B = (A ∩ B).Nonempty
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A quantifier is conservative if D(A)(B) ↔ D(A)(A ∩ B).
This is the key semantic universal: determiners only care about the A's when determining the relation to B.
"Every student passed" ↔ "Every student is a student who passed"
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- D.IsConservative = ∀ (A B : Set α), D A B ↔ D A (A ∩ B)
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A quantifier is upward monotone in the second argument if
D(A)(B) and B ⊆ C implies D(A)(C).
Equations
- D.IsUpwardMono = ∀ (A B C : Set α), B ⊆ C → D A B → D A C
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A quantifier is downward monotone in the second argument if
D(A)(B) and C ⊆ B implies D(A)(C).
Equations
- D.IsDownwardMono = ∀ (A B C : Set α), C ⊆ B → D A B → D A C
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A quantifier is truthful (has existential import) if
D(A)(B) implies A ∩ B ≠ ∅.
Truthful quantifiers: some, every (presuppositionally), most Non-truthful: no, at most n
Equations
- D.IsTruthful = ∀ (A B : Set α), D A B → (A ∩ B).Nonempty
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Note: every is only truthful if we assume existential presupposition.
Standard logic treats "every A is B" as vacuously true when A = ∅.
A witness function selects, for each entity in the restrictor satisfying some condition, a witnessing entity.
For "Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it":
- For each farmer f who owns a donkey,
wit fis a donkey that f owns
This is Dekker's solution to donkey anaphora with universal quantifiers.
Equations
- Semantics.Dynamic.PLA.WitnessFn α = (α → α)
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A witness function is valid for sets A and R if: for all x ∈ A, the witness wit(x) is related to x by R.
For "owns a donkey": valid_witness owns farmers donkeys wit
means ∀ f ∈ farmers, owns f (wit f) ∧ wit f ∈ donkeys
Equations
- Semantics.Dynamic.PLA.ValidWitness R A B wit = ∀ x ∈ A, R x (wit x) ∧ wit x ∈ B
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Truthful existence: For truthful quantifiers, if D(A)(B) holds, there exists a valid witness function.
This is the key to dynamic binding: truthful quantifiers "export" witnesses that can be referenced anaphorically.
Dynamic quantifier update: Dx(φ)(ψ) where D is a generalized quantifier.
Semantics: D(restrictor)(scope) where:
- restrictor = {e | M, g[x↦e], ê ⊨ φ}
- scope = {e | M, g[x↦e], ê ⊨ ψ}
This generalizes ∃x.φ (which is some(univ)(φ)).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Standard existential is some(univ)(φ), but we use the standard definition
which also updates the assignment.
Donkey update: For "Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it".
This captures the dependency between the universally quantified farmer and the existentially introduced donkey.
We need to track, for each farmer f, which donkey witnesses the "owns a donkey" part, and that donkey is what "it" refers to.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The E-type approach (Evans): pronouns pick out the unique/salient entity.
For "Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it": "it" = the unique donkey that the farmer owns (if unique), or a contextually salient one (if multiple).
This differs from the witness-function approach in requiring uniqueness or salience.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Conservativity transfers: If D is conservative, so is the dynamic version (in a suitable sense).
Indefinites take wide scope (in dynamic semantics).
"If a farmer owns a donkey, he beats it." The indefinites "a farmer" and "a donkey" can bind pronouns in the consequent.
This is modeled by having the existential update extend the assignment globally, not just locally.