The two fundamental conditional interpretation types.
Following @cite{cao-white-lassiter-2025} and building on @cite{iatridou-1991}, @cite{haegeman-2003}:
- Hypothetical (HC): Antecedent is supposed; speaker uncertain about its truth
- Premise (PC): Antecedent echoes prior discourse; no uncertainty implication
Key diagnostics:
- HC can't be paraphrased with "given that/since"
- PC can be paraphrased with "given that/since"
- HC licenses NPIs in antecedent
- PC licenses PPIs in antecedent
- hypothetical : ConditionalType
- premise : ConditionalType
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- Semantics.Conditionals.instBEqConditionalType.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Whether a conditional type implies speaker uncertainty about the antecedent
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Whether a conditional type requires discourse anchoring
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Can this conditional type be paraphrased with "given that" or "since"?
Definitionally equal to requiresDiscourseAnchor: a conditional
admits "given that" paraphrase iff its antecedent is discourse-anchored.
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Check whether a proposition "echoes" the current discourse state.
A proposition p echoes the discourse if:
- It is entailed by some speaker commitment (dcS), OR
- It is entailed by some common ground proposition (cg)
This captures the requirement that premise conditionals must have their antecedent grounded in prior discourse.
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Weaker echo check: proposition is merely consistent with discourse.
This is a looser condition - the antecedent is at least compatible with what's been established, even if not explicitly entailed.
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- Semantics.Conditionals.consistentWithDiscourse ds p worlds = worlds.any fun (w : W) => ds.compatible w && p w
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Felicity condition for premise conditionals.
A PC "if p, then q" is felicitous in discourse state ds iff:
- The antecedent p echoes prior discourse (dcS or cg)
This is the key felicity requirement that distinguishes PC from HC.
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- Semantics.Conditionals.pcFelicitous ds antecedent worlds = Semantics.Conditionals.echoesDiscourse ds antecedent worlds
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Felicity condition for hypothetical conditionals.
An HC "if p, then q" is felicitous in discourse state ds iff:
- The antecedent p is consistent with cg (not contradicted)
- The antecedent p is not already established (some uncertainty)
Note: The second condition is captured implicitly - if p were established, a PC reading would be preferred.
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- Semantics.Conditionals.hcFelicitous ds antecedent worlds = Semantics.Conditionals.consistentWithDiscourse ds antecedent worlds
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Epistemic status of an antecedent for polarity licensing purposes.
This is the key insight: polarity licensing in conditional antecedents depends on BOTH monotonicity (semantic) AND epistemic status (discourse).
- hypothetical: Speaker treats antecedent as uncertain → licenses NPIs
- established: Speaker treats antecedent as given → licenses PPIs
- hypothetical : AntecedentStatus
- established : AntecedentStatus
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- Semantics.Conditionals.instBEqAntecedentStatus.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Get the antecedent status from a conditional type.
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Full polarity context for conditional antecedents.
Separates the two factors that determine polarity licensing:
- monotonicity: Semantic DE/UE property (conditional antecedents are DE)
- epistemicStatus: Discourse-level status (uncertain vs established)
NPI licensing requires: DE monotonicity + hypothetical status PPI licensing requires: established status (monotonicity irrelevant)
- monotonicity : Core.NaturalLogic.ContextPolarity
Semantic monotonicity (conditional antecedents are always DE)
- epistemicStatus : AntecedentStatus
Discourse-level epistemic status
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Create polarity context from conditional type.
All conditional antecedents are semantically DE; the epistemic status varies based on whether it's an HC or PC.
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- Semantics.Conditionals.ConditionalPolarityContext.fromConditionalType ct = { epistemicStatus := ct.toAntecedentStatus }
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Does this context license NPIs?
NPIs require BOTH:
- Downward-entailing monotonicity (semantic)
- Hypothetical epistemic status (discourse)
This explains why PCs block NPIs despite being DE!
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Does this context license PPIs?
PPIs are licensed when the antecedent has established status. (Monotonicity is irrelevant for PPI licensing.)
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PCs are felicitous iff antecedent echoes prior discourse.
This is the defining felicity condition for premise conditionals.
HCs license NPIs in the antecedent.
Because HCs have both:
- DE monotonicity (semantic property of conditional antecedents)
- Hypothetical epistemic status (speaker uncertainty)
PCs license PPIs in the antecedent.
Because PCs have established epistemic status.
PCs do NOT license NPIs in the antecedent.
Despite being semantically DE, PCs lack the hypothetical epistemic status required for NPI licensing. This is the key insight from @cite{cao-white-lassiter-2025}.
HCs do NOT license PPIs in the antecedent.
Because HCs have hypothetical (not established) epistemic status.
A conditional with its interpretation type made explicit.
This bundles the antecedent, consequent, and interpretation type together. Useful for analyzing how different readings affect discourse update.
- antecedent : BProp W
The antecedent proposition
- consequent : BProp W
The consequent proposition
- condType : ConditionalType
The interpretation type (HC or PC)
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Get the semantic content (same for both HC and PC)
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Check felicity in a given discourse state
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Get the polarity context for the antecedent
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HCs and PCs have identical truth conditions.
The distinction is entirely in felicity/discourse conditions, not semantics. Both are interpreted via the same conditional semantics (material, strict, Kratzer, etc.).
Cross-linguistic conditional markers and their type restrictions.
Some languages have distinct lexical items for HC vs PC conditionals. This captures the typological pattern.
Note: pcOnly is currently uninstantiated across known languages;
included for typological completeness.
- hcOnly : ConditionalMarkerType
- pcOnly : ConditionalMarkerType
- both : ConditionalMarkerType
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- Semantics.Conditionals.instBEqConditionalMarkerType.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Cross-linguistic conditional marker datum.
Per-language marker entries live in Fragments/{Language}/Conditionals.lean.
- language : String
- marker : String
- gloss : String
- markerType : ConditionalMarkerType
- notes : String
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Summary #
This module provides:
Types #
ConditionalType: HC vs PC distinctionAntecedentStatus: Epistemic status for polarityConditionalPolarityContext: Full polarity context (monotonicity + epistemic)TypedConditional: Conditional with explicit interpretation typeConditionalMarkerType/ConditionalMarker: Marker type vocabulary (per-language data inFragments/{Language}/Conditionals.lean)
Key Operations #
echoesDiscourse: Check if proposition echoes prior discoursepcFelicitous: Felicity condition for premise conditionalshcFelicitous: Felicity condition for hypothetical conditionalslicensesNPI: Check if context licenses NPIslicensesPPI: Check if context licenses PPIs
Theorems #
hc_pc_same_semantics: HCs and PCs have identical truth conditionshc_licenses_npi: HCs license NPIs in antecedentpc_licenses_ppi: PCs license PPIs in antecedentpc_blocks_npi: PCs do NOT license NPIs (key insight!)hc_blocks_ppi: HCs do NOT license PPIs
Insight #
The HC/PC distinction is DISCOURSE-LEVEL, not semantic. The polarity licensing pattern requires separating:
- Monotonicity (semantic) - always DE in conditional antecedents
- Epistemic status (discourse) - uncertain (HC) vs established (PC)
This explains the apparent paradox that PCs block NPIs despite being semantically DE: NPI licensing requires BOTH DE + uncertain status.