Material conditional: p → q ≡ ¬p ∨ q
This is the classical truth-functional conditional. True whenever the antecedent is false or the consequent is true.
Note: The material conditional is already defined in Core.Proposition as pimp.
We re-export it here for convenience.
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Decidable version of material implication
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- Semantics.Conditionals.materialImpB p q w = (!p w || q w)
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Strict conditional: true at w iff the material conditional holds at all accessible worlds.
□(p → q) ≡ ∀w' ∈ R(w). p(w') → q(w')
This is the modal "necessitation" of the material conditional. Used in deontic and epistemic conditionals.
Parameters:
access: The accessibility relation R : W → Set Wp: The antecedent propositionq: The consequent proposition
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- Semantics.Conditionals.strictImp access p q w = ∀ w' ∈ access w, p w' → q w'
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A similarity ordering on worlds.
For variably strict conditionals, we need a notion of "closest" p-worlds. This is typically modeled as a preorder on worlds centered at each world.
closer w w₁ w₂ means w₁ is at least as similar to w as w₂ is.
- closer : W → W → W → Prop
w₁ is at least as close to w as w₂
- refl (w₀ w : W) : self.closer w₀ w w
Reflexivity: at each center, every world is at least as close as itself. This makes
closer w₀a preorder at every centerw₀. Transitivity
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The NormalityOrder centered at world w₀: le w₁ w₂ iff w₁ is
at least as close to w₀ as w₂ is. Connects Lewis/Stalnaker
conditionals to the default reasoning infrastructure (optimal,
refine, respects, CR1–CR4).
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Variably strict conditional (@cite{stalnaker-1968}/@cite{lewis-1973}):
"If p, then q" is true at w iff:
- Either there are no p-worlds (vacuous truth), or
- Some p-world is such that q holds at all p-worlds at least as close
This captures the intuition that conditionals quantify over "nearby" worlds where the antecedent holds.
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Conditional perfection: the inference from "if A then C" to "if not A then not C".
This is NOT valid for material conditionals but IS observed pragmatically. The RSA model in GrusdtLassiterFranke2022 derives this as an implicature.
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Modus ponens: from (p → q) and p, derive q.
Contraposition: (p → q) entails (¬q → ¬p).
Conditional perfection is NOT semantically entailed.
There exists a world where (p → q) is true but (¬p → ¬q) is false. This shows that "perfection" (the biconditional reading) is a pragmatic inference, not a semantic entailment.
Counterexample: World where p is false, q is true. Then (p → q) is vacuously true, but (¬p → ¬q) = (true → false) = false.
Conditional perfection is NOT semantically entailed (variably strict).
Even under @cite{stalnaker-1968}/@cite{lewis-1973} variably strict semantics (stronger than material implication), the conditional does not entail its converse. There exist a similarity ordering, propositions p and q, and a world w such that "if p then q" holds but "if ¬p then ¬q" does not.
Counterexample: W = Bool, p = (· = true), q = (fun _ => True), w = false.
The conditional holds (the only p-world is true, where q holds trivially),
but perfection fails (¬p(false) is true but ¬q(false) is false).
Strict conditional implies material conditional.
If w is accessible from itself (reflexive accessibility), then □(p → q) at w implies (p → q) at w.
A centered similarity ordering: the actual world is always strictly closest to itself.
This is the "strong centering" axiom: w is strictly closer to itself than any other world.
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Variably strict conditional implies material conditional (with centered similarity).
If there is a p-world, the similarity ordering is centered, and the variably strict conditional holds, then the material conditional holds at the actual world.
The centering axiom ensures that if p holds at w, then w is the unique closest p-world to itself, so q must hold at w.
Kratzer Conditionals #
@cite{nadathur-lauer-2020} @cite{stalnaker-1968}
This section provides a polymorphic, Set-based version of Kratzer's conditional semantics for use in mathematical proofs.
For the computable, List-based version with concrete examples and
proven properties (preorder, duality, K axiom, etc.), see:
Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Modality.Kratzer
Both use the same CORRECT subset-based ordering from @cite{kratzer-1981}: w₁ ≤_A w₂ iff {p ∈ A : w₂ ∈ p} ⊆ {p ∈ A : w₁ ∈ p}
Kratzer's semantics for conditionals uses:
- A modal base f : W → Set W (epistemic, circumstantial, etc.)
- An ordering source g : W → Set (Prop' W) (stereotypical, deontic, etc.)
The conditional "if p, then q" is true at w iff q holds at the "best" p-worlds according to the ordering.
- modalBase : W → Set W
Modal base: accessible worlds from w
Ordering source: propositions that induce a preference
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Kratzer's ordering relation (Set-based version for proofs).
w₁ is at least as good as w₂ according to ordering source os iff
every proposition in os satisfied by w₂ is also satisfied by w₁.
This is the correct subset-based ordering from @cite{kratzer-1981}.
Equivalent to atLeastAsGoodAs in Kratzer.lean (which uses Lists for computation).
NOT a counting-based ordering (which would be incorrect).
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Kratzer-style conditional semantics.
"If p, then q" is true at w iff at the best p-worlds (in the modal base, according to the ordering source), q holds.
Best worlds are those maximal under kratzerBetter: w' is best if
for all w'' in pWorlds, if w' ≤ w'' then w'' ≤ w' (i.e., they're equivalent).
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Indicative conditional (epistemic, open).
"If A, then C" in the indicative mood - the standard conditional for reasoning about what we expect to be true if A turns out to be true.
This is just the material conditional: ¬A ∨ C.
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Subjunctive conditional (counterfactual).
"If A were the case, then C would be the case" - the conditional for reasoning about non-actual possibilities.
This uses the variably strict semantics: at the closest A-worlds, C holds.
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- Semantics.Conditionals.subjunctiveConditional sim domain p q = Semantics.Conditionals.variablyStrictImp sim domain p q
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Subjunctive implies indicative (when the antecedent holds at the actual world).
If "if p were, then q would" is true at w, and p holds at w, then q holds at w. This shows that subjunctive conditionals are stronger than indicatives in this sense.
Requires a centered similarity ordering (the actual world is closest to itself).
Selection Functions #
Stalnaker's selection function approach to counterfactuals:
- A selection function
s : W × 𝒫(W) → Wselects THE closest antecedent-world - "If A were, C would be" is true iff C holds at s(w, ⦃A⦄)
Key distinction from @cite{lewis-1973}:
- @cite{lewis-1973}: Universal quantification over all closest A-worlds
- @cite{stalnaker-1968}: Selection of a single A-world (with supervaluation for ties)
This is formalized for use in @cite{ramotowska-santorio-2025} analysis of counterfactual force under quantifiers.
A selection function picks the unique closest antecedent-world.
s w A returns the closest A-world to w, or w itself if no A-worlds exist.
Constraints (from @cite{stalnaker-1968}):
- Success: If A is non-empty, s(w, A) ∈ A
- Strong Centering: If w ∈ A, then s(w, A) = w
- select : W → Set W → W
The selection function
Success: selected world is in the antecedent (if nonempty)
Strong centering: if actual world satisfies antecedent, select it
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Candidate selection functions induced by a comparative similarity ordering.
Given an ordering, a selection function is "legitimate" iff it always selects a world that is closest (minimal w.r.t. the ordering).
This is the connection between @cite{lewis-1973}/Kratzer orderings and @cite{stalnaker-1968} selection.
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Counterfactual via selection function (Stalnaker semantics).
"If A were, C would be" is true at w iff C holds at the selected A-world.
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Comparative closeness relation derived from a similarity ordering.
w₁ ≤_w₀ w₂ means w₁ is at least as similar to w₀ as w₂ is.
This is the @cite{lewis-1973} notation.
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Selection via Intervention #
A key insight: selection functions can be grounded in causal models.
Given a causal model, s(w, A) = the world resulting from intervening
to make A true at w (Pearl's do(A)).
This connects:
- Stalnaker selection → Causal intervention
- "If A were" → do(A)
- Counterfactual dependence → Causal necessity
See Theories/NadathurLauer2020/ for the causal model infrastructure.
Assertability vs Truth #
The key insight from @cite{grusdt-lassiter-franke-2022} is that the ASSERTABILITY of a conditional depends on P(C|A), not its truth conditions.
A conditional "if A then C" is assertable when P(C|A) is high (> θ).
This is formalized in Assertability.lean, where we define:
conditionalProbability : WorldState → ℚassertable : WorldState → ℚ → Bool
The RSA model then explains pragmatic phenomena (conditional perfection, missing-link infelicity) through reasoning about assertability.