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Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.TsiliaZhao2026

@cite{tsilia-zhao-2026}: Tense and Perspective #

@cite{tsilia-zhao-2026} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{zhao-2025}

The cross-linguistic incompatibility of temporal ⌈then⌉ with shifted present tense is derived from tense presuppositions anchored to a perspectival parameter π.

The ⌈then⌉-Present Puzzle #

When PRES and ⌈then⌉ occur in the same minimal clause, they share the same π (Shift Together). PRES requires overlap with π; ⌈then⌉ requires disjointness from π. The temporal assertion (g(n_pres) ⊆ g(n_then)) bridges them → presupposition failure.

Deleted tense escapes because it carries no presupposition — no overlap requirement with π, so ⌈then⌉ can freely pick a disjoint reference.

Key empirical finding #

This incompatibility holds for the shifted present but NOT for the deleted present. This distinguishes the two for the first time, motivating the perspectival analysis.

Cross-linguistic data #

Language"then" formShifts perspective?
Englishthenyes
Germandamals/dannyes
Mandarin那时 nà-shíyes
Japaneseその時 sono-tokiyes
Greekτότε tóteyes
Russianтогда togdayes
Hebrewאז azyes
Hungarianakkoryes

Tense shift typology (Tables 1 & 2) #

Present-under-past: English never shifts; Greek/Hebrew/Russian shift in attitude reports only; Japanese shifts in both attitudes and relatives.

Present-under-future: ALL languages shift (WOLL is intensional → provides OP_π site). But English present-under-future is deleted (SOT), not shifted, which is why English ⌈then⌉ is compatible with it.

All "then" adverbs from Fragment entries.

Equations
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Instances For

    Shift Together: OP_π is propositional — it scopes over the entire embedded clause. All perspective-sensitive items in that clause (tense + ⌈then⌉) therefore share the SAME shifted π.

    Formally: opPi sets perspectiveTime once for the whole frame. Any two reads of perspectiveTime from the same shifted frame agree.

    The interesting consequence: within a shifted clause, PRES requires overlap with the SAME π that ⌈then⌉ requires disjointness from. There is no LF where they read different perspectives — unlike the pronominal analysis where independent anchor indices could in principle diverge.

    The @cite{sharvit-2003} simultaneous reading is the special case where a PRES presupposition is trivially satisfied at the shifted perspective. simultaneousFrame has R = P' = E_matrix, satisfying presPresup.

    All surveyed languages allow the present to shift under future in attitude reports — because WOLL provides an intensional environment.

    All surveyed languages allow the present to shift under future in relative clauses — because WOLL is intensional.

    WOLL is intensional → it provides an OP_π binding site. This predicts tense shift under future even in relative clauses, unlike past where relative clauses are extensional and lack OP_π.

    WOLL contains PRES → SOT can delete an embedded PRES under future. In SOT languages, the matrix PRES (from WOLL) c-commands the embedded PRES, licensing deletion. This is why English ⌈then⌉ is compatible with present-under-future (the present is deleted, not shifted).

    The paper's key cross-linguistic prediction for ⌈then⌉ under future:

    In SOT languages where SOT can delete the present (English), ⌈then⌉ is compatible with present-under-future (because the present is deleted, not shifted — no presupposition clash).

    This single parameter (sotDeletesPresent) predicts the variation in Table 2's ⌈then⌉-present column.

    Shifted present in attitude report + ⌈then⌉ → clash. OP_π shifts π to the attitude time. PRES and ⌈then⌉ in the embedded clause both read the shifted π. Same clash as root clause, but with shifted π instead of S.

    Example: *Nate said Erica is angry then. (Greek/Hebrew/Russian/Japanese)

    theorem Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.TsiliaZhao2026.embedded_deleted_tense_then_ok {Time : Type u_1} (thenRef defaultPi : Time) (hDisjoint : thenRef defaultPi) :

    When OP_π is absent (no tense shift), ⌈then⌉ is evaluated relative to the default π. If the embedded tense is deleted, the only presupposition is then's ¬(g(n) ○ π), which is satisfiable.

    Example: John said that in ten days he would say to his girlfriend that they were meeting then. (English/Greek — deleted past)