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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Tense.Perspective

Perspectival Tense Theory #

@cite{tsilia-zhao-2026} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{zhao-2025} @cite{anand-nevins-2004} @cite{deal-2020}

Reusable infrastructure for perspectival tense interpretation: tense presuppositions anchored to a perspective parameter π, the OP_π shift operator, and the InterpParams architecture enforcing independence of context and perspective.

Core Formal System #

The interpretation function ⟦·⟧^{c,π,g} takes three parameters:

Two shift operators with the same shape ("overwrite parameter with evaluation index") but operating on independent parameters:

Tense Presuppositions #

Tenses are presupposition triggers anchored to π:

PRES presupposes g(n) ○ π: the temporal reference overlaps the perspective. Point approximation: R = P.

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    PAST presupposes g(n) < π: the temporal reference precedes the perspective.

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      The PRES presupposition is definitionally equal to isPresent.

      The PAST presupposition is definitionally equal to isPast.

      OP_π shifts the perspective time to a new value. ⟦OP_π φ⟧^{c,π,g} = λi_κ. ⟦φ⟧^{c,i_t,g}(i)

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        theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.opPi_eq_embeddedFrame {Time : Type u_1} (matrixFrame : Core.Reichenbach.ReichenbachFrame Time) (embeddedR embeddedE : Time) :
        opPi { speechTime := matrixFrame.speechTime, perspectiveTime := matrixFrame.speechTime, referenceTime := embeddedR, eventTime := embeddedE } matrixFrame.eventTime = embeddedFrame matrixFrame embeddedR embeddedE

        OP_π corresponds to embeddedFrame when shifting to the matrix event time.

        def Semantics.Tense.Perspective.thenPresup {Time : Type u_1} (thenRef perspective : Time) :

        ⌈then⌉ presupposes ¬(g(n) ○ π): its temporal reference is disjoint from the perspective. Point approximation: thenRef ≠ π.

        This is ⌈then⌉'s OWN presupposition, separate from the presuppositions of any co-clausal tense. The incompatibility with PRES arises because composition (via "during then") forces the PRES reference to be contained in the then reference, bridging the two presuppositions.

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          theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.then_present_clash {Time : Type u_1} (presRef thenRef perspective : Time) (hPres : presRef = perspective) (hDuring : presRef = thenRef) (hThen : thenPresup thenRef perspective) :

          The ⌈then⌉-present clash. Three ingredients produce the contradiction:

          1. PRES presupposes presRef = π (overlap with perspective)
          2. The temporal assertion requires presRef = thenRef ("during then")
          3. ⌈then⌉ presupposes thenRef ≠ π (disjoint from perspective)

          Together: π = presRef = thenRef, but thenRef ≠ π.

          theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.then_perspective_clash {Time : Type u_1} (f : Core.Reichenbach.ReichenbachFrame Time) (localEval : Time) (hOP : f.perspectiveTime = localEval) (hThen : f.perspectiveTime localEval) :

          General OP_π + ⌈then⌉ clash at the frame level: OP_π sets P = localEval; anything requiring P ≠ localEval contradicts.

          Status of an embedded tense morpheme.

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              A shifted tense retains its presupposition (PRES or PAST relative to π).

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                A deleted tense has no temporal presupposition — trivially satisfied.

                theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.then_deleted_tense_compatible {Time : Type u_1} (thenRef perspective : Time) (hDisjoint : thenRef perspective) :
                thenPresup thenRef perspective

                ⌈then⌉ + deleted tense → compatible. Deleted tense has no presupposition anchoring it to π, so there is no overlap requirement. ⌈then⌉ can freely pick a reference disjoint from π.

                theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.then_shifted_present_clash {Time : Type u_1} (presRef thenRef shiftedPi : Time) (hPres : presRef = shiftedPi) (hDuring : presRef = thenRef) (hThen : thenPresup thenRef shiftedPi) :

                ⌈then⌉ + shifted tense → clash (when shifted tense is PRES). The shifted PRES anchors to π via OP_π, so presRef overlaps with the shifted π. If "during then" forces presRef = thenRef, then's disjointness presupposition ¬(thenRef ○ π) fails.

                Wrap PRES presupposition as a PrProp, showing how tense presuppositions compose with the existing presupposition projection system.

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                  The PrProp encoding is defined iff the PRES presupposition holds.

                  structure Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams (W : Type u_1) (E : Type u_2) (P : Type u_3) (T : Type u_4) :
                  Type (max (max (max u_1 u_2) u_3) u_4)

                  The interpretation parameter tuple ⟨c, π⟩ from ⟦·⟧^{c,π,g}.

                  Context c (for indexical interpretation, @cite{anand-nevins-2004}) and perspective π (for tense interpretation) are independent parameters. This structure makes their independence explicit and architectural: shiftPerspective preserves context, and shiftContext preserves perspective.

                  The variable assignment g is orthogonal and handled separately (in Montague/Variables.lean).

                  • context : Core.Context.KContext W E P T

                    Context parameter c = ⟨c_s, c_a, c_t, c_w⟩ — for indexicals (I, now, here)

                  • perspective : T

                    Temporal perspective π — for tense (PRES, PAST, ⌈then⌉). Defaults to c_t in root clauses; shifted by OP_π under attitude verbs.

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                    def Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams.shiftPerspective {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (ip : InterpParams W E P T) (newPi : T) :
                    InterpParams W E P T

                    OP_π on the interpretation parameter tuple: shift π, preserve c. ⟦OP_π φ⟧^{c,π,g} = λi_κ. ⟦φ⟧^{c,i_t,g}(i)

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                      def Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams.shiftContext {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (ip : InterpParams W E P T) (newC : Core.Context.KContext W E P T) :
                      InterpParams W E P T

                      OP_c on the interpretation parameter tuple: shift c, preserve π. ⟦OP_c φ⟧^{c,π,g} = λi_κ. ⟦φ⟧^{i,π,g}(i)

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                        @[simp]
                        theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams.shiftPerspective_preserves_context {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (ip : InterpParams W E P T) (newPi : T) :

                        OP_π preserves the context parameter (including c_t). This is the formal content of §7.1: tense shift does not entail indexical shift. Modern Greek allows OP_π (shifted present) but blocks the temporal indexical τώρα 'now' from shifting.

                        @[simp]

                        OP_c preserves the temporal perspective. Indexical shift does not entail tense shift.

                        def Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams.rootDefault {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (c : Core.Context.KContext W E P T) :
                        InterpParams W E P T

                        In root clauses, π defaults to c_t (the temporal component of the context). This is the Truth Convention: ⟦φ⟧ is true relative to c and assignment g iff ⟦φ⟧^{c,c_t,g}(c) = 1.

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                          Root default satisfies the co-valuation π = c_t.

                          theorem Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams.perspective_context_diverge {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {P : Type u_3} {T : Type u_4} (ip : InterpParams W E P T) (newPi : T) (hDistinct : newPi ip.context.time) :

                          After OP_π, c_t is unchanged — π and c_t can diverge.

                          OP_π on InterpParams corresponds to opPi on ReichenbachFrame.

                          Cross-linguistic tense shift profile, encoding Tables 1 & 2.

                          Each Bool records whether a simultaneous reading of the embedded present is available in that configuration. The mechanism (OP_π shift vs SOT deletion) is recorded separately in sotDeletesPresent.

                          • language : String
                          • pastAttitude : Bool

                            Present-under-past, attitude report complement

                          • pastRelative : Bool

                            Present-under-past, relative clause

                          • futAttitude : Bool

                            Present-under-future, attitude report complement

                          • futRelative : Bool

                            Present-under-future, relative clause

                          • sotDeletesPresent : Bool

                            Does the language have SOT deletion that can apply to the present? English: yes (present under future is deleted, not shifted). Modern Greek: no (the "Interpret the Present" constraint blocks deletion).

                          • thenPastOnly : Bool

                            Is ⌈then⌉ restricted to past-oriented contexts? Japanese tooji cannot co-occur with future matrix tense.

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                                  Modern Greek: shifts in attitude reports (past & future) and relative clauses under future, but NOT in relative clauses under past.

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                                    Modern Hebrew: same pattern as Greek for shift; no SOT deletion of present.

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                                      Russian: same pattern as Greek/Hebrew for shift.

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                                        Japanese: uniquely shifts in relative clauses under past too (tenses are intensional). tooji is restricted to past-oriented contexts.

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                                          English: no shift under past; simultaneous reading under future comes from SOT deletion (will = WOLL + PRES, embedded PRES deleted by SOT).

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                                              No language allows shift in relative clauses under past unless it also allows shift in attitude reports under past.

                                              will = WOLL + PRES. WOLL is an intensional modal operator that:

                                              1. Quantifies over accessible future indices (∀i' ∈ ACC(i)(t). i'_t > t)
                                              2. Provides an intensional environment that can bind the perspective

                                              This decomposition explains:

                                              • Why ALL surveyed languages allow present-under-future shift: WOLL is intensional, providing the OP_π binding site even in relative clauses
                                              • Why English ⌈then⌉ is compatible with present-under-future: the embedded PRES can be deleted by SOT (c-commanded by WOLL's PRES)
                                              • isIntensional : Bool

                                                WOLL is an intensional operator (quantifies over future indices)

                                              • containsPres : Bool

                                                WOLL decomposes into a modal component + PRES

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