Perspectival Tense Theory #
@cite{tsilia-zhao-2026} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{zhao-2025} @cite{anand-nevins-2004} @cite{deal-2020}
Reusable infrastructure for perspectival tense interpretation:
tense presuppositions anchored to a perspective parameter π,
the OP_π shift operator, and the InterpParams architecture
enforcing independence of context and perspective.
Core Formal System #
The interpretation function ⟦·⟧^{c,π,g} takes three parameters:
- c: context parameter ⟨c_s, c_a, c_t, c_w⟩ — for indexical interpretation
- π: temporal perspective — for tense interpretation
- g: variable assignment
Two shift operators with the same shape ("overwrite parameter with evaluation index") but operating on independent parameters:
- OP_c: overwrites c with the evaluation index (indexical shift, @cite{anand-nevins-2004})
- OP_π: overwrites π with the time component of the evaluation index (tense shift)
Tense Presuppositions #
Tenses are presupposition triggers anchored to π:
- PRES: g(n) ○ π (reference overlaps perspective)
- PAST: g(n) < π (reference precedes perspective)
- ⌈then⌉: ¬(g(n) ○ π) (reference disjoint from perspective)
PRES presupposes g(n) ○ π: the temporal reference overlaps the perspective. Point approximation: R = P.
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PAST presupposes g(n) < π: the temporal reference precedes the perspective.
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The PRES presupposition is definitionally equal to isPresent.
The PAST presupposition is definitionally equal to isPast.
OP_π shifts the perspective time to a new value. ⟦OP_π φ⟧^{c,π,g} = λi_κ. ⟦φ⟧^{c,i_t,g}(i)
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- Semantics.Tense.Perspective.opPi f newPi = { speechTime := f.speechTime, perspectiveTime := newPi, referenceTime := f.referenceTime, eventTime := f.eventTime }
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OP_π corresponds to embeddedFrame when shifting to the matrix event time.
⌈then⌉ presupposes ¬(g(n) ○ π): its temporal reference is disjoint from the perspective. Point approximation: thenRef ≠ π.
This is ⌈then⌉'s OWN presupposition, separate from the presuppositions of any co-clausal tense. The incompatibility with PRES arises because composition (via "during then") forces the PRES reference to be contained in the then reference, bridging the two presuppositions.
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- Semantics.Tense.Perspective.thenPresup thenRef perspective = (thenRef ≠ perspective)
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The ⌈then⌉-present clash. Three ingredients produce the contradiction:
- PRES presupposes presRef = π (overlap with perspective)
- The temporal assertion requires presRef = thenRef ("during then")
- ⌈then⌉ presupposes thenRef ≠ π (disjoint from perspective)
Together: π = presRef = thenRef, but thenRef ≠ π.
General OP_π + ⌈then⌉ clash at the frame level: OP_π sets P = localEval; anything requiring P ≠ localEval contradicts.
Status of an embedded tense morpheme.
- shifted : EmbeddedTenseStatus
Tense interpreted with presupposition anchored to shifted π
- deleted : EmbeddedTenseStatus
Tense deleted by SOT; no temporal presupposition
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A shifted tense retains its presupposition (PRES or PAST relative to π).
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A deleted tense has no temporal presupposition — trivially satisfied.
⌈then⌉ + deleted tense → compatible. Deleted tense has no presupposition anchoring it to π, so there is no overlap requirement. ⌈then⌉ can freely pick a reference disjoint from π.
⌈then⌉ + shifted tense → clash (when shifted tense is PRES). The shifted PRES anchors to π via OP_π, so presRef overlaps with the shifted π. If "during then" forces presRef = thenRef, then's disjointness presupposition ¬(thenRef ○ π) fails.
Wrap PRES presupposition as a PrProp, showing how tense presuppositions
compose with the existing presupposition projection system.
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- Semantics.Tense.Perspective.presAsPrProp f = { presup := fun (x : Unit) => decide (f.referenceTime = f.perspectiveTime), assertion := fun (x : Unit) => true }
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The PrProp encoding is defined iff the PRES presupposition holds.
The interpretation parameter tuple ⟨c, π⟩ from ⟦·⟧^{c,π,g}.
Context c (for indexical interpretation, @cite{anand-nevins-2004}) and
perspective π (for tense interpretation) are independent parameters.
This structure makes their independence explicit and architectural:
shiftPerspective preserves context, and shiftContext preserves
perspective.
The variable assignment g is orthogonal and handled separately
(in Montague/Variables.lean).
- context : Core.Context.KContext W E P T
Context parameter c = ⟨c_s, c_a, c_t, c_w⟩ — for indexicals (I, now, here)
- perspective : T
Temporal perspective π — for tense (PRES, PAST, ⌈then⌉). Defaults to c_t in root clauses; shifted by OP_π under attitude verbs.
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OP_π on the interpretation parameter tuple: shift π, preserve c. ⟦OP_π φ⟧^{c,π,g} = λi_κ. ⟦φ⟧^{c,i_t,g}(i)
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- ip.shiftPerspective newPi = { context := ip.context, perspective := newPi }
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OP_c on the interpretation parameter tuple: shift c, preserve π. ⟦OP_c φ⟧^{c,π,g} = λi_κ. ⟦φ⟧^{i,π,g}(i)
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- ip.shiftContext newC = { context := newC, perspective := ip.perspective }
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OP_π preserves the context parameter (including c_t). This is the formal content of §7.1: tense shift does not entail indexical shift. Modern Greek allows OP_π (shifted present) but blocks the temporal indexical τώρα 'now' from shifting.
OP_c preserves the temporal perspective. Indexical shift does not entail tense shift.
In root clauses, π defaults to c_t (the temporal component of the context). This is the Truth Convention: ⟦φ⟧ is true relative to c and assignment g iff ⟦φ⟧^{c,c_t,g}(c) = 1.
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- Semantics.Tense.Perspective.InterpParams.rootDefault c = { context := c, perspective := c.time }
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Root default satisfies the co-valuation π = c_t.
After OP_π, c_t is unchanged — π and c_t can diverge.
OP_π on InterpParams corresponds to opPi on ReichenbachFrame.
Cross-linguistic tense shift profile, encoding Tables 1 & 2.
Each Bool records whether a simultaneous reading of the embedded present
is available in that configuration. The mechanism (OP_π shift vs SOT
deletion) is recorded separately in sotDeletesPresent.
- language : String
- pastAttitude : Bool
Present-under-past, attitude report complement
- pastRelative : Bool
Present-under-past, relative clause
- futAttitude : Bool
Present-under-future, attitude report complement
- futRelative : Bool
Present-under-future, relative clause
- sotDeletesPresent : Bool
Does the language have SOT deletion that can apply to the present? English: yes (present under future is deleted, not shifted). Modern Greek: no (the "Interpret the Present" constraint blocks deletion).
- thenPastOnly : Bool
Is ⌈then⌉ restricted to past-oriented contexts? Japanese tooji cannot co-occur with future matrix tense.
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- Semantics.Tense.Perspective.instBEqTenseShiftProfile.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Modern Greek: shifts in attitude reports (past & future) and relative clauses under future, but NOT in relative clauses under past.
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Modern Hebrew: same pattern as Greek for shift; no SOT deletion of present.
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Russian: same pattern as Greek/Hebrew for shift.
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Japanese: uniquely shifts in relative clauses under past too (tenses are intensional). tooji is restricted to past-oriented contexts.
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English: no shift under past; simultaneous reading under future comes from SOT deletion (will = WOLL + PRES, embedded PRES deleted by SOT).
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No language allows shift in relative clauses under past unless it also allows shift in attitude reports under past.
will = WOLL + PRES. WOLL is an intensional modal operator that:
- Quantifies over accessible future indices (∀i' ∈ ACC(i)(t). i'_t > t)
- Provides an intensional environment that can bind the perspective
This decomposition explains:
- Why ALL surveyed languages allow present-under-future shift: WOLL is intensional, providing the OP_π binding site even in relative clauses
- Why English ⌈then⌉ is compatible with present-under-future: the embedded PRES can be deleted by SOT (c-commanded by WOLL's PRES)
- isIntensional : Bool
WOLL is an intensional operator (quantifies over future indices)
- containsPres : Bool
WOLL decomposes into a modal component + PRES
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