@cite{koev-2017} Empirical Data @cite{koev-2017} #
Theory-neutral data from @cite{koev-2017}:1–38). The Bulgarian evidential (the -l participle in evidential contexts) is felicitous when the speaker's evidence acquisition is spatiotemporally distant from the described event: either temporally non-overlapping (standard indirect evidence) or spatially distant (same time, different place). Direct witness (same time, same place) is infelicitous.
The paper also demonstrates that the evidential contribution is not at issue (projects past negation and modals) and that the speaker is fully committed to the proposition (non-modal analysis, contra @cite{izvorski-1997}).
Whether the described event and the learning event overlap in time.
- overlapping : TemporalOverlap
- nonoverlapping : TemporalOverlap
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Whether the described event and the learning event share a location.
- samePlace : SpatialRelation
- differentPlace : SpatialRelation
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An evidential felicity datum from @cite{koev-2017}. Each records the spatiotemporal configuration of the described event and the learning event, and whether the evidential is felicitous.
- temporal : TemporalOverlap
Temporal overlap between described and learning events
- spatial : SpatialRelation
Spatial relation between described and learning events
- evidentialFelicitous : Bool
Whether the Bulgarian evidential is felicitous in this configuration
- exampleNum : String
Example number in @cite{koev-2017}
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- Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Koev2017.instBEqEvidentialDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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(3)/(25a): Standard indirect evidence — speaker was not present when the event occurred. Non-overlapping in time, same place. Felicitous.
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Direct witness — speaker perceived the event as it happened. Overlapping in time, same place. Infelicitous.
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(25b): Smoke from chimney — speaker perceives evidence of the event from a different location, at the same time. Overlapping in time, different place. Felicitous — spatial distance suffices.
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The evidential does not weaken commitment: "EV(p) and I know because I was there" is not contradictory (unlike a modal which would predict contradiction). @cite{koev-2017}, §3.
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The evidential contribution projects past negation: "It is not the case that Ivan EV-came" presupposes indirect evidence while negating the proposition. @cite{koev-2017}, §5.
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△ predicts felicity: the evidential is felicitous iff the described event and the learning event are spatiotemporally distant (temporally non-overlapping or spatially distant).
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All core data points.
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There are 3 core data points.
△ correctly predicts felicity for all core data points.
Bridge theorems connecting @cite{koev-2017}'s spatiotemporal distance analysis to existing linglib infrastructure, organized around the paper's four properties (property 6):
- (i) Spatiotemporal meaning — △(e, e_l): §§3–4 below
- (ii) Speaker commitment — assertion = p, non-modal: §5
- (iii)–(iv) Not at issue + Projection — presup projects past negation: §6
Plus structural bridges:
- △ vs. temporal ordering — these are independent constraints: §4
- Bridge to @cite{cumming-2026} — △ → T ≤ A (downstream evidence): §7
- Bridge to nfutL — existing fragment connection: §8
Central Claim: Learning Events #
The paper's deepest contribution is ontological: evidentials introduce a learning event e_l — the event through which the speaker acquired the reported information. The formal representation (74b):
∃e_l ∧ learn_{cs(k)}(e_l, sp(k), p) ∧ τ(e_l) ≤ time(k) ∧ e △ e_l
The learn predicate is subscripted with cs(k) (context set), not with p (scope proposition). This is the formal mechanism for not-at-issue status: the evidential restricts the context set directly (≈ presupposition), while the assertion commits the speaker to p via DECL (72).
A learning scenario: the evidential introduces a learning event e_l — the event through which the speaker acquired the reported information — paired with the described event e.
The paper's representation (74b): ∃e_l ∧ learn_{cs(k)}(e_l, sp(k), p) ∧ τ(e_l) ≤ time(k) ∧ e △ e_l
The cs(k) Subscript #
The learn predicate is subscripted with cs(k) (the context set at
discourse move k), not with the scope proposition p. This is the formal
mechanism for not-at-issue status: the evidential contribution restricts
the context set directly (≈ presupposition in PrProp.presup), while
the assertion commits the speaker to p via DECL (72), which maps to
PrProp.assertion.
The mapping is:
learn_{cs(k)}(e_l, sp(k), p)→PrProp.presup(restricts cs)DECL(72): dc^sp(c) ⊆ p→PrProp.assertion(commits to p)
This explains why the evidential projects past negation (property 6iv):
PrProp.neg preserves presup while negating assertion.
What's Captured #
- The event pair (e, e_l) — the described event and the learning event
- △(e, e_l) — spatiotemporal distance, via
isTemporallyDisjoint/isSpatiotemporallyDistantand bridge toPrPropviatoEvidentialProp - The presup/assertion split — cs(k) subscript → presup, DECL → assertion
What's Not Captured (Future Work) #
- The learn predicate itself: We don't model the knowledge-change
semantics of
learn(e_l, sp(k), p). This would require time-indexed epistemic states: K_sp(p, t) ∧ ¬K_sp(p, t') for t' < τ(e_l). - Propositional content p: The structure pairs events but doesn't
carry the proposition learned. Adding
p : W → Boolwould require a world type parameter constraining downstream usage. - Speech time constraint: τ(e_l) ≤ time(k) ensures the learning event is past. This interacts with tense morphology (the L-participle is morphologically past) but is not modeled here.
- Evidence source typology: The paper distinguishes reportative, inferential, and assumptive evidence (§5) via different learn predicates. We collapse these into a single △ constraint.
- described : Semantics.Events.Ev Time
The described event (what happened: e.g., Ivan kissing Maria)
- learning : Semantics.Events.Ev Time
The learning event (how the speaker found out: e.g., hearing a report)
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△ holds for this scenario (temporal component): the described and learning events have non-overlapping temporal traces.
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△ holds for this scenario (full spatiotemporal version): temporal disjointness OR spatial distance.
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Computable temporal △ for ℤ events: ¬(τ(e) overlaps τ(e_l)). Since integer comparison is decidable, we can evaluate △ from the event structure directly.
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triangleTemporalB agrees with the propositional isTemporallyDisjoint:
the Bool computation and the Prop predicate coincide for ℤ events.
Construct a PrProp from a learning scenario, making the cs(k) → presup mapping constructive.
The presupposition is derived from the event structure (△ holds or not), and the assertion is the scope proposition p (committed via DECL). This is the concrete realization of Koev's (74b):
presup:= △(described, learning) — the evidential's cs(k) contributionassertion:= p — the scope proposition
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- s.toEvidentialProp p = { presup := fun (x : W) => s.triangleTemporalB, assertion := p }
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Described event: interval [0, 5].
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Learning event (indirect): interval [10, 15] — strictly later.
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Learning event (direct witness): interval [2, 4] — overlaps described.
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Learning event (spatial distance): interval [0, 5] — same time, different place (smoke from chimney).
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Indirect evidence scenario: described event [0,5], learning event [10,15].
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Smoke-from-chimney scenario: described event [0,5], learning event [0,5] at a different location.
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Indirect evidence: described and learning events are temporally disjoint — described event [0,5] finished before learning event [10,15] started. △ satisfied via temporal disjointness.
Direct witness: described event [0,5] and learning event [2,4] overlap. They are NOT temporally disjoint — △ fails (when also co-located).
The smoke scenario events temporally overlap — temporal disjointness alone does NOT yield △ here.
Despite temporal overlap, any location function assigning different locations to the described and learning events yields △. This captures the smoke-from-chimney scenario (§4): spatial distance suffices.
The paper separates two constraints in (74b):
- e △ e_l : spatiotemporal distance (the evidential's contribution)
- τ(e) < τ(e_l) : temporal ordering (the past tense's contribution)
These are independent: △ can hold via spatial distance alone (smoke
scenario has △ without temporal ordering), and temporal ordering is
imposed by tense morphology, not the evidential.
Temporal ordering: the described event PRECEDES the learning event. This is the past tense's contribution, NOT the evidential's. Paper (74b): τ(e) < τ(e_l).
The smoke scenario has NO temporal ordering (events are simultaneous), yet △ holds via spatial distance. This demonstrates that △ and temporal ordering are independent constraints.
All four properties (property 6) follow from toEvidentialProp:
- **(i) Spatiotemporal meaning**: presup = △(described, learning),
derived from event structure via `triangleTemporalB`
- **(ii) Speaker commitment**: assertion = p (non-modal, full commitment)
- **(iii) Not at issue**: △ is in presup (cs restriction), not assertion
- **(iv) Projection**: PrProp.neg preserves presup → △ projects past ¬
Property (6i): the presupposition of the constructed PrProp IS the △ condition, derived from the event structure. When △ holds (indirect evidence), the presupposition is satisfied at every world.
When △ fails (direct witness), the presupposition fails — the evidential sentence is undefined (infelicitous).
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Property (6ii): the assertion of a scenario's PrProp IS the scope
proposition. The speaker commits to p, not to a modalized version.
This holds by construction: DECL (72) maps to PrProp.assertion.
A modal evidential would assert □_e(p) — "p must be true given evidence e" — a DIFFERENT proposition from p.
This is a simplified stub; the full Kratzer-grounded version is
Izvorski1997.Bridge.izvorskiEv, which uses necessity f g p as
the assertion and !(accessibleWorlds f w).isEmpty as the presup.
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- Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Koev2017.modalEvidential evidence must_p = { presup := fun (x : W) => evidence, assertion := must_p }
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The modal analysis CAN weaken the assertion: there exist instantiations where the modal's assertion diverges from the scope proposition, while Koev's assertion is always p by construction.
Property (6iv): the evidential presupposition projects past negation. Negating the evidential negates the assertion (p → ¬p) but preserves the presupposition (△). This follows from PrProp's general negation rule and captures the paper's formalization (78).
For the indirect evidence case, temporal disjointness + ordering gives isBefore: τ(e).finish ≤ τ(e_l).start.
Construct Cumming's EvidentialFrame from the learning scenario: T = τ(e).finish, A = τ(e_l).start. This bridges Koev's event-based analysis to Cumming's point-based (S, A, T) frame.
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Cumming's downstream evidence (T ≤ A) holds for the indirect frame — the temporal special case of Koev's △.
The existing Bulgarian nfutL entry has EP = downstream (T ≤ A), which is the temporal special case of Koev's △: when spatial distance is not at play, △ reduces to temporal disjointness, and temporal disjointness + described-before-learning gives T ≤ A.