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Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Izvorski1997

@cite{izvorski-1997}: The Present Perfect as an Epistemic Modal — Data @cite{izvorski-1997} #

Empirical data from @cite{izvorski-1997}. In Bulgarian, Turkish, Norwegian, and other languages, present perfect morphology doubles as an indirect evidential (the "Perfect of Evidentiality" = PE). The paper's central proposal (8):

The indirect evidential Ev is an epistemic modal which: (i) has universal quantificational force, (ii) has a presupposition that the evidence for the core proposition is indirect.

The key empirical contrasts establishing (8):

  1. Ev vs. must ((10)–(13)): Both are epistemic necessity modals (same □ force), but Ev restricts the modal base to indirect evidence only. Must allows any epistemic base. The difference is in the base, not the force.
  2. Presupposition diagnostics ((14)–(16)): The indirect-evidence requirement is a presupposition (not an implicature) — it resists cancellation (14), projects past negation (15), and denial targets the assertion (16).

Languages exhibiting the Perfect of Evidentiality (@cite{izvorski-1997}, fn. 1). The paper's body text discusses Bulgarian, Turkish, and Norwegian; footnote 1 lists ~25 languages across 6 families.

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      Binary evidence basis: Izvorski's central contrast variable. The paper argues that Ev and must have the same quantificational force (□) but differ in whether the modal base is restricted to indirect evidence only.

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          A data point from the Ev/must paradigm. The paper's argument (§3, pp. 227–229):

          • (10)–(11): With indirect evidence, both Ev and must are felicitous
          • (12)–(13): Ev + "I have no evidence" → contradictory; must + "I have no evidence" → acceptable (must doesn't presuppose indirect evidence)
          • Prose (p. 228): With direct evidence (speaker witnessed the event), Ev is infelicitous; must is fine
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              Indirect evidence context: both Ev and must felicitous. Paper (10)–(11): "Knowing how much John likes wine..."

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                Direct evidence context: Ev infelicitous, must fine. Paper prose (p. 228): when speaker has direct evidence (witnessed the event), PE is infelicitous but must is acceptable.

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                  Standard presupposition diagnostics applied to the evidential.

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                      A presupposition diagnostic datum.

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                          (14): Cancellation fails — "Maria apparently kissed Ivan. # I witnessed it." The indirect-evidence requirement cannot be cancelled, so it is a presupposition, not an implicature.

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                            (15): Projection under negation — "Apparently, Ivan didn't pass the exam." The indirect-evidence requirement projects past negation: the speaker still has indirect evidence; what's negated is that Ivan passed.

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                              (16): Denial targets assertion — "Ivan passed-PE the exam. That's not true." The denial targets p (Ivan passed), not the evidential content (that the speaker has indirect evidence).

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                                All presupposition diagnostic data.

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                                  Ev requires indirect evidence: felicitous with indirect, infelicitous with direct. This captures (8ii).

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                                    Must allows both evidence bases — no presupposition on evidence type.

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                                      All data points satisfy the indirect-evidence generalization.

                                      All data points satisfy the must-allows-both generalization.

                                      All diagnostics confirm presupposition status (not implicature).

                                      Izvorski's EV operator (formalization of (17)–(19) + (8ii)).

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