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Linglib.Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013

@cite{elbourne-2013}: Situation-Semantic Definite Descriptions @cite{elbourne-2013} #

@cite{barwise-perry-1983} @cite{elbourne-2005} @cite{heim-1982} @cite{postal-1966} @cite{schwarz-2009} @cite{kamp-1981} @cite{stanley-szab-2000} @cite{tonhauser-beaver-roberts-simons-2013} @cite{roberts-2012} @cite{donnellan-1966} @cite{kripke-1977} @cite{karttunen-1974}

Formalizes the core theoretical machinery and empirical predictions from:

Elbourne, P. (2013). Definite Descriptions. Oxford Studies in Semantics and Pragmatics 1.

Elbourne argues that definite descriptions have a Fregean/Strawsonian semantics — they are type e, introduce a presupposition of existence + uniqueness, and are evaluated relative to situations (parts of worlds).

The single lexical entry ⟦the⟧ = λf.λs : ∃!x f(x)(s) = 1. ιx f(x)(s) = 1 unifies:

Key Results #

Empirical Chain #

Fragments/English/Determiners.lean
  "the": qforce =.definite → the_sit / the_sit'
Fragments/English/Pronouns.lean
  "it"/"he"/"she": pronounType =.personal, person =.third → the_sit' + NP-deletion
    ↓
(this file: theory + empirical predictions)
  referential/attributive → truth values → match empirical judgments
  incomplete definites → situation-relative uniqueness
  donkey anaphora → minimality → uniqueness

A situation frame: the ontological foundation for Elbourne's system.

Situations are parts of worlds, ordered by a part-of relation ≤. Worlds are maximal situations. Properties and quantifiers are evaluated relative to situations rather than worlds, enabling situation-dependent uniqueness and domain restriction.

Based on @cite{barwise-perry-1983}: situations are "individuals having properties and standing in relations at various spatiotemporal locations". @cite{kratzer-1989}: situations are parts of worlds with a mereological structure.

  • Sit : Type

    Domain of situations (D_s) — includes both partial situations and worlds

  • Ent : Type

    Domain of entities (D_e)

  • le : self.Sitself.SitProp

    Part-of relation (≤): s₁ ≤ s₂ means s₁ is part of s₂

  • le_refl (s : self.Sit) : self.le s s

    Reflexivity: every situation is part of itself

  • le_trans (s₁ s₂ s₃ : self.Sit) : self.le s₁ s₂self.le s₂ s₃self.le s₁ s₃

    Transitivity: part-of is transitive

  • le_antisymm (s₁ s₂ : self.Sit) : self.le s₁ s₂self.le s₂ s₁s₁ = s₂

    Antisymmetry: mutual part-of implies identity

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    A world is a maximal situation — one that no other situation properly extends.

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      A situation s is minimal for property P iff P holds at s and at no proper part of s. Minimality is key for donkey anaphora (Ch 6): in a minimal situation where "a farmer owns a donkey", there is exactly one farmer and one donkey, securing uniqueness.

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        ⟦the⟧ in Elbourne's system: the situation-relative Fregean definite.

        ⟦the⟧ = λf_{⟨e,st⟩}.λs : s ∈ D_s ∧ ∃!x f(x)(s) = 1. ιx f(x)(s) = 1

        Takes a restrictor (property of entities relative to situations) and a situation, presupposes existence+uniqueness in that situation, and returns the unique satisfier.

        The situation parameter s may be:

        • Free (referential use, Ch 5): mapped to a contextually salient s*
        • Bound (attributive use, Ch 5): bound by a higher operator (ς, Σ)
        • Bound by quantifier (donkey anaphora, Ch 6): bound by always/GEN
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          def Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.the_sit' {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (restrictor scope : EWBool) :

          the_sit instantiated with bare type parameters (no SituationFrame).

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            theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.the_sit_at_world_eq_the_uniq_w {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (restrictor scope : EWBool) :
            the_sit' domain restrictor scope = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Definite.the_uniq_w domain restrictor scope

            When situations ARE worlds, the_sit' = the_uniq_w.

            theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.the_sit_presup_depends_on_filter {W E : Type} (domain₁ domain₂ : List E) [DecidableEq E] (restrictor scope : EWBool) (w : W) (h : List.filter (fun (e : E) => restrictor e w) domain₁ = List.filter (fun (e : E) => restrictor e w) domain₂) :
            (the_sit' domain₁ restrictor scope).presup w = (the_sit' domain₂ restrictor scope).presup w

            The presupposition of the_sit' is determined solely by the filter result.

            theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.the_sit_assertion_implies_presup {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (restrictor scope : EWBool) (w : W) (h : (the_sit' domain restrictor scope).assertion w = true) :
            (the_sit' domain restrictor scope).presup w = true

            A true assertion entails a satisfied presupposition.

            theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.attributive_is_the_sit_bound {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (restrictor scope : EWBool) :
            Semantics.Reference.Donnellan.definitePrProp domain restrictor scope = the_sit' domain restrictor scope

            Donnellan's attributive semantics IS the_sit' with a bound situation variable.

            In Elbourne's system, donkey pronouns are definite articles with phonologically null NP complements (NP-deletion).

            • nounContent : F.EntF.SitBool

              The restrictor property (e.g., "donkey")

            • sitVar : F.Sit

              The pronoun's situation variable

            • domain : List F.Ent

              The domain of entities

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              theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.donkey_uniqueness_from_minimality (F : SituationFrame) (domain : List F.Ent) [DecidableEq F.Ent] (restrictor scope : F.EntF.SitBool) (s : F.Sit) (h_minimal : F.isMinimal (fun (s : F.Sit) => match List.filter (fun (e : F.Ent) => restrictor e s) domain with | [head] => true | x => false) s) :
              (the_sit F domain restrictor scope).presup s = true

              Uniqueness in donkey contexts derives from minimality of situations.

              • sentence : String

                The sentence

              • speakerPresupposes : Bool

                Does the speaker presuppose existence?

              • subjectBelieves : Bool

                Does the subject believe in existence?

              • existenceActual : Bool

                Is existence actually the case?

              • elbournePrediction : String

                Elbourne's prediction

              • source : String

                Source

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                    How the deleted NP content is recovered.

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                            @[reducible, inline]
                            abbrev Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.pronounDenot {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (recoveredNP scope : EWBool) :

                            Pronoun denotation: ⟦it⟧ = ⟦the⟧ + NP-deletion.

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                              theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.pronoun_is_definite_article {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (restrictor scope : EWBool) :
                              pronounDenot domain restrictor scope = the_sit' domain restrictor scope

                              Pronouns = definite articles.

                              theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.pronoun_assertion_implies_presup {W E : Type} (domain : List E) [DecidableEq E] (recoveredNP scope : EWBool) (w : W) (h : (pronounDenot domain recoveredNP scope).assertion w = true) :
                              (pronounDenot domain recoveredNP scope).presup w = true

                              Pronoun assertions entail pronoun presuppositions.

                              Elbourne's three situation binders.

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                                      A situation variable — either free or indexed for binding.

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                                            def Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.qudRelevantSituation (F : SituationFrame) [DecidableEq F.Sit] (leDecide : F.SitF.SitBool) (q : QUD F.Sit) (w : F.Sit) (_hw : F.isWorld w) (s : F.Sit) :

                                            A QUD over worlds induces a "relevance" relation on situations.

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                                              theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.situation_pronoun_tracks_qud (F : SituationFrame) [DecidableEq F.Sit] (leDecide : F.SitF.SitBool) (q : QUD F.Sit) (w : F.Sit) (hw : F.isWorld w) (s : F.Sit) (hs : qudRelevantSituation F leDecide q w hw s) (domain : List F.Ent) [DecidableEq F.Ent] (restrictor scope : F.EntF.SitBool) (hRestr : ∀ (e : F.Ent), restrictor e s = restrictor e w) (hScope : ∀ (e : F.Ent), scope e s = scope e w) :
                                              (the_sit F domain restrictor scope).assertion s = (the_sit F domain restrictor scope).assertion w
                                              theorem Phenomena.Reference.Studies.Elbourne2013.qud_refinement_monotone (F : SituationFrame) [DecidableEq F.Sit] (leDecide : F.SitF.SitBool) (q₁ q₂ : QUD F.Sit) (w : F.Sit) (hw : F.isWorld w) (s₁ s₂ : F.Sit) (hRefine : ∀ (a b : F.Sit), q₂.sameAnswer a b = trueq₁.sameAnswer a b = true) (hs₁ : qudRelevantSituation F leDecide q₁ w hw s₁) (hs₂ : qudRelevantSituation F leDecide q₂ w hw s₂) (hUniq : ∀ (s : F.Sit), F.le s wq₁.sameAnswer w s = trueF.le s₁ s) :
                                              F.le s₁ s₂

                                              Bridge 1: "the" → the_sit #

                                              Bridge 3: Pronouns → the_sit + NP-deletion #

                                              Bridge 4: Donnellan → Elbourne #

                                              Bridge 5: Pronoun-as-definite examples #

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