English Determiners #
@cite{horn-1972} @cite{barwise-cooper-1981}
Quantifier lexicon with syntactic and semantic properties.
Main definitions #
QForce: quantificational forceQuantEntry: unified lexical entry
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqQForce.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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- increasing : Monotonicity
- decreasing : Monotonicity
- nonMonotone : Monotonicity
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqMonotonicity.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Weak/strong classification (B&C §4.3, Table II). Weak determiners allow there-insertion: "There are some cats." Strong determiners don't: "*There is every cat."
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqStrength.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqQuantifierEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.some_ = { form := "some", qforce := Fragments.English.Determiners.QForce.existential, allowsMass := true, ptPrototype := 1 / 3, ptSpread := 3 }
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"most" - more than half
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"all" - everything satisfies
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"every" - universal, singular
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"each" - universal, distributive
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"many" - a large number
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Numerical determiner entry. Parameterized by threshold n. These are the class of determiners @cite{van-de-pol-etal-2023} show satisfy all three semantic universals (and have low MDL).
- form : String
- qforce : QForce
- monotonicity : Monotonicity
- threshold : ℕ
The numerical threshold
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqNumericalDetEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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"at least n" — upward monotone in scope, conservative, quantity
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"at most n" — downward monotone in scope, conservative, quantity
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"exactly n" — non-monotone (neither UE nor DE), conservative, quantity
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"more than n" — upward monotone, conservative, quantity
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"fewer than n" — downward monotone, conservative, quantity
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.the = { form := "the", qforce := Fragments.English.Determiners.QForce.definite, allowsMass := true, strength := Fragments.English.Determiners.Strength.strong }
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.a = { form := "a", qforce := Fragments.English.Determiners.QForce.existential, numberRestriction := some Number.sg }
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.an = { form := "an", qforce := Fragments.English.Determiners.QForce.existential, numberRestriction := some Number.sg }
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"both" - universal dual, presupposes exactly 2. K&S (83a): [_Det each of the two] ⇒ both. Semantically: gqMeet of every and (the 2).
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"neither" - negative dual, presupposes exactly 2. K&S (83b): [_Det (not one) of the two] ⇒ neither. Semantically: outerNeg of both.
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All quantifier entries
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All determiner entries (including definites)
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Lookup by form
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The 6-word quantity scale used in @cite{van-tiel-franke-sauerland-2021}.
This is a projection of the full lexicon for quantity-focused analyses.
- none_ : QuantityWord
- few : QuantityWord
- some_ : QuantityWord
- half : QuantityWord
- most : QuantityWord
- all : QuantityWord
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqQuantityWord.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Get the lexical entry for a quantity word
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.none_.entry = Fragments.English.Determiners.none_
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.few.entry = Fragments.English.Determiners.few
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.some_.entry = Fragments.English.Determiners.some_
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.half.entry = Fragments.English.Determiners.half
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.most.entry = Fragments.English.Determiners.most
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.all.entry = Fragments.English.Determiners.all
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Get monotonicity from the entry
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Get GQT threshold (scaled to domain size n)
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Get PT prototype (scaled to domain size n)
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Get PT spread
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All quantity words as a list
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A Horn scale: ordered alternatives from weak to strong.
The key property: each item entails all weaker items.
- items : List QuantityWord
Items from weakest to strongest
- name : String
Name for display
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The ⟨some, all⟩ scale
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.someAllScale = { items := [Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.some_, Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.all], name := "⟨some, all⟩" }
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The ⟨some, most, all⟩ scale
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Get alternatives (items strictly stronger than x)
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- s.alternatives x = match List.dropWhile (fun (x_1 : Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord) => x_1 != x) s.items with | [] => [] | head :: rest => rest
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Is x weaker than y on this scale?
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GQT meaning: binary truth based on threshold and monotonicity
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GQT meaning as rational
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GQT meaning is always non-negative
PT meaning: gradient truth based on distance from prototype
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PT meaning is always non-negative
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- d.toWord = { form := d.form, cat := UD.UPOS.DET, features := { number := d.numberRestriction } }
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Compositional Generalized Quantifier Semantics #
The single source of truth for model-theoretic GQ denotations is
Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier. This section re-exports those
denotations and connects them to the QuantityWord scale.
Thread map #
From a QuantityWord you can reach:
- Compositional denotations:
QuantityWord.gqDenotation→every_sem,some_sem, etc. - Semantic universals (@cite{barwise-cooper-1981}):
Conservative,ScopeUpwardMono,ScopeDownwardMono— all inCore.Quantification.Quantity,SatisfiesUniversalsinSemantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier - Proved properties:
every_conservative,some_scope_up,no_scope_down, etc. - Duality operations (B&C §4.11):
Core.Quantification.outerNeg,innerNeg,dualQwithouterNeg_up_to_down,outerNeg_down_to_up,innerNeg_up_to_down(C9) - Strength (B&C Table II):
Strengthenum,Core.Quantification.IntersectionCondition,QSymmetric,RestrictorUpwardMono(persistence),intersection_conservative_symmetric(C5) - Threshold semantics:
QuantityWord.gqtMeaning(scalar GQT representation) - Prototype semantics:
QuantityWord.ptMeaning(gradient PT representation) - RSA domains:
RSA.Quantity(pragmatic reasoning over quantity scales) - Monotonicity:
Semantics.Entailment.Monotonicity(polarity) - Complexity:
Core.Conjectures.simplicity_explains_universals
@cite{van-benthem-1984} §3.3: Inferential characterization of the Square of Opposition. Each corner is uniquely determined by its relational properties under CONSERV + QUANT + VAR*.
inclusion: all — transitive + reflexive (⊆)overlap: some — symmetric + quasi-reflexive (∩ ≠ ∅)disjointness: no — symmetric + quasi-universal (∩ = ∅)nonInclusion: not all — almost-connected + irreflexive (⊄)
- inclusion : InferentialClass
- overlap : InferentialClass
- disjointness : InferentialClass
- nonInclusion : InferentialClass
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Map quantity words to their inferential class (Square of Opposition corner).
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.all.inferentialClass = some Fragments.English.Determiners.InferentialClass.inclusion
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.some_.inferentialClass = some Fragments.English.Determiners.InferentialClass.overlap
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.none_.inferentialClass = some Fragments.English.Determiners.InferentialClass.disjointness
- x✝.inferentialClass = none
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Map quantity words to their double monotonicity type (@cite{van-benthem-1984} §4.2).
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.all.doubleMono = some Core.Quantification.DoubleMono.downUp
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.some_.doubleMono = some Core.Quantification.DoubleMono.upUp
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.none_.doubleMono = some Core.Quantification.DoubleMono.downDown
- x✝.doubleMono = none
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Map quantity words to their canonical model-theoretic GQ denotation.
These are the compositional (e→t) → ((e→t) → t) meanings from
Montague/Barwise & Cooper, proved conservative and monotone in
Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.none_.gqDenotation m = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.no_sem m
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.some_.gqDenotation m = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.some_sem m
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.all.gqDenotation m = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.every_sem m
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.most.gqDenotation m = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.most_sem m
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.few.gqDenotation m = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.few_sem m
- Fragments.English.Determiners.QuantityWord.half.gqDenotation m = Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.half_sem m
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Every: monotonicity metadata says .increasing and semantics is scope-↑.
Some: monotonicity metadata says .increasing and semantics is scope-↑.
None: monotonicity metadata says .decreasing and semantics is scope-↓.
All: monotonicity metadata says .increasing and semantics is scope-↑.
(All and every share every_sem.)
Most: monotonicity metadata says .increasing and semantics is scope-↑.
Few: monotonicity metadata says .decreasing and semantics is scope-↓.
Half: monotonicity metadata says .nonMonotone — half is neither scope-↑
nor scope-↓. Adding elements to S can flip half(R,S) either way.
All maps to every_sem and every_sem is conservative.
Some maps to some_sem and some_sem is conservative.
None maps to no_sem and no_sem is conservative.
Most maps to most_sem and most_sem is conservative.
Few maps to few_sem and few_sem is conservative.
Half maps to half_sem and half_sem is conservative.
Some: weak (allows there-insertion) and symmetric.
None: weak and symmetric.
Every: strong and NOT symmetric.
⟦both⟧(R)(S) = ⟦every⟧(R)(S) when |R|=2.
For the general case, both = every restricted to exactly-2 restrictors.
Simplified: on finite models, both(R,S) = every(R,S) ∧ |R|≥2.
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.both_sem m R S = (Semantics.Lexical.Determiner.Quantifier.every_sem m R S && decide ({x : m.Entity | R x = true}.card ≥ 2))
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⟦neither⟧ = outer negation of ⟦both⟧ (K&S (83b)).
"Neither student passed" = "It's not the case that both students passed"
when exactly 2 students exist. K&S: neither = (not one) of the two.
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both is conservative (follows from every_conservative + gqMeet closure).
neither is conservative (follows from no_conservative + gqMeet closure).
K&S §3.2: both is positive strong — both(A,A) = true when |A|≥2.
K&S (26) at the fragment level: neither is scope-↓ (licenses NPIs). "Neither student saw any deer" — NPI "any" licensed.
both/neither duality: both is increasing, neither is decreasing, mirroring every/no.
"Every"/"all" is left-anti-additive in the restrictor: every(A∪B, C) = every(A,C) ∧ every(B,C).
This licenses strong NPIs in the restrictor of "every":
"Everyone who ever lifted a finger..." Cross-ref: every_laa.
"No"/"none" is left-anti-additive in the restrictor: no(A∪B, C) = no(A,C) ∧ no(B,C).
Also scope-downward-monotone (licenses weak NPIs in scope).
Cross-ref: no_laa, no_scope_down.
All: inferential class is inclusion, confirmed by relational properties. Van Benthem Thm 3.1.1: the ONLY reflexive antisymmetric quantifier.
Some: inferential class is overlap, confirmed by relational properties. Van Benthem Thm 3.3.2: the ONLY symmetric quasi-reflexive quantifier.
None: inferential class is disjointness, confirmed by relational properties. Van Benthem Cor 3.3.3: the ONLY symmetric quasi-universal quantifier.
All: double mono ↓MON↑ metadata matches semantic proof.
Some: double mono ↑MON↑ metadata matches semantic proof.
None: double mono ↓MON↓ metadata matches semantic proof.