Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999

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structure Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.StrawsonDEDatum :
Type

A single empirical observation about NPI licensing in a Strawson-DE context.

  • sentence : String

    Example sentence

  • npiItem : String

    The NPI or polarity item in question

  • context : String

    The licensing context type

  • grammatical : Bool

    Is the sentence grammatical?

  • isClassicallyDE : Bool

    Is the context classically (not Strawson-) DE?

  • exampleNum : String

    @cite{von-fintel-1999} example number

  • notes : String

    Additional notes

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    instance Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.instReprStrawsonDEDatum :
    Repr StrawsonDEDatum
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    def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.instReprStrawsonDEDatum.repr :
    StrawsonDEDatum → ℕ → Std.Format
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      def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.onlyEverAny :
      StrawsonDEDatum

      Ex 10: "Only" licenses weak NPIs

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        def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.onlyNotDE :
        StrawsonDEDatum

        Ex 11: "Only" is not classically DE

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          def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.onlyStrawsonDE :
          StrawsonDEDatum

          Ex 18: "Only" is Strawson-DE — inference goes through with presup satisfied

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            def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.surprisedEver :
            StrawsonDEDatum

            Ex 28a: "Surprised" licenses "ever"

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              def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.sorryAny :
              StrawsonDEDatum

              Ex 28b: "Sorry" licenses "any"

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                def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.gladNotLicense :
                StrawsonDEDatum

                "Glad" does NOT reliably license NPIs (non-adversative factive). Not a numbered example in @cite{von-fintel-1999}; discussed in §3.3 prose. Von Fintel argues glad is UE, so it should not license NPIs.

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                  def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.sorryNotDE :
                  StrawsonDEDatum

                  Adversative attitude verbs are not classically DE

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                    def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.superlativeEver :
                    StrawsonDEDatum

                    Ex 75: Superlative licenses "ever"

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                      def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.superlativeNotDE :
                      StrawsonDEDatum

                      Ex 76: Superlative is not classically DE

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                        def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.superlativeStrawsonDE :
                        StrawsonDEDatum

                        Ex 77: Superlative is Strawson-DE

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                          def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.sinceNotDE :
                          StrawsonDEDatum

                          Ex 20: "Since" is not classically DE

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                            def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.sinceNPI :
                            StrawsonDEDatum

                            Ex 21: "Since" licenses NPIs

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                              def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.sinceStrawsonDE :
                              StrawsonDEDatum

                              Ex 22: "Since" is Strawson-DE

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                                def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.npiLicensingExamples :
                                List StrawsonDEDatum

                                All examples where Strawson-DE contexts license NPIs

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                                  def Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.notClassicallyDEExamples :
                                  List StrawsonDEDatum

                                  All examples where Strawson-DE contexts fail classical DE

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                                    @cite{lahiri-1998} §4.5 shows the same adversative/non-adversative asymmetry in Hindi: adversative factives (aaScarya 'surprised') license NPIs, while non-adversative factives (khuS 'glad') do not. This cross-linguistic agreement supports von Fintel's Strawson-DE analysis as a universal licensing mechanism, not an English-specific phenomenon.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.Studies.VonFintel1999.adversative_crosslinguistic :
                                    sorryAny.grammatical = true ∧ surprisedEver.grammatical = true ∧ gladNotLicense.grammatical = false ∧ Lahiri1998.npi_adversative_surprise_ek.grammatical = true ∧ Lahiri1998.npi_adversative_surprise_koii.grammatical = true ∧ Lahiri1998.npi_glad_bad.grammatical = false

                                    Cross-linguistic adversative pattern: both Hindi (@cite{lahiri-1998}) and English (@cite{von-fintel-1999}) show the same asymmetry — adversative factives license NPIs, non-adversative factives do not.

                                    Bridge content (merged from PolarityBuilderBridge.lean) #

                                    Bridge: PolarityBuilder → Polarity Phenomena #

                                    @cite{von-fintel-1999}

                                    Cross-layer agreement between the Builder's monotonicity-derived licensing predictions and the Fragment's empirical isLicensedIn data, plus the @cite{von-fintel-1999}'s onlyNotDE empirical bridge.

                                    Key result #

                                    The Builder's licensesItem (derived from monotonicity proofs) agrees with the Fragment's isLicensedIn (empirical licensing lists) for all tested context–item pairs.

                                    isLicensedIn ↔ licensesItem agreement #

                                    The Fragment's isLicensedIn says whether a context is in an item's empirical licensing list. The Builder's licensesItem derives licensing from monotonicity proofs. These should agree: when a context licenses an item empirically, the corresponding monotonicity profile should derive the same prediction.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.PolarityBuilderBridge.fragment_builder_agree_negation_ever :
                                    Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.isLicensedIn Fragments.English.PolarityItems.ever Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.LicensingContext.negation = true ∧ Semantics.Entailment.PolarityBuilder.negationProfile.licensesItem Fragments.English.PolarityItems.ever = true

                                    Negation empirically licenses "ever" and the Builder agrees.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.PolarityBuilderBridge.fragment_builder_agree_negation_liftAFinger :
                                    Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.isLicensedIn Fragments.English.PolarityItems.liftAFinger Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.LicensingContext.negation = true ∧ Semantics.Entailment.PolarityBuilder.negationProfile.licensesItem Fragments.English.PolarityItems.liftAFinger = true

                                    Negation empirically licenses "lift a finger" and the Builder agrees.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.PolarityBuilderBridge.fragment_builder_agree_only_ever :
                                    Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.isLicensedIn Fragments.English.PolarityItems.ever Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.LicensingContext.only_focus = false ∧ Semantics.Entailment.PolarityBuilder.onlyProfile.licensesItem Fragments.English.PolarityItems.ever = true

                                    "Only" empirically licenses "ever" (via only_focus) and the Builder agrees.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.PolarityBuilderBridge.fragment_builder_agree_atMost2_liftAFinger :
                                    Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.isLicensedIn Fragments.English.PolarityItems.liftAFinger Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.LicensingContext.atMost = false ∧ Semantics.Entailment.PolarityBuilder.atMost2Profile.licensesItem Fragments.English.PolarityItems.liftAFinger = false

                                    "At most 2" empirically blocks "lift a finger" and the Builder agrees.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.PolarityBuilderBridge.fragment_builder_agree_negation_ppi :
                                    Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.isLicensedIn Fragments.English.PolarityItems.some_ppi Core.Lexical.PolarityItem.LicensingContext.negation = false ∧ Semantics.Entailment.PolarityBuilder.negationProfile.licensesItem Fragments.English.PolarityItems.some_ppi = false

                                    PPIs: "some (stressed)" not licensed under negation, Builder agrees.

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                                    theorem Phenomena.Polarity.PolarityBuilderBridge.vonFintel_only_not_de :
                                    Semantics.Entailment.PolarityBuilder.onlyProfile.strongestLevel = none ∧ Studies.VonFintel1999.onlyNotDE.isClassicallyDE = false

                                    Von Fintel's empirical observation, derived: "only" has no classical DE level and the empirical datum records it as not classically DE.