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Linglib.Phenomena.PhonologicalAlternation.Studies.CoetzeePater2011

Coetzee & Pater (2011): The Place of Variation in Phonological Theory #

@cite{coetzee-pater-2011}

Handbook of Phonological Theory chapter comparing three frameworks for modeling phonological variation, illustrated with English t/d-deletion.

Models formalized #

  1. Partially Ordered Constraints (POC) (@cite{anttila-1997}, @cite{kiparsky-1993b}): grammar is a partial order on OT constraints. Each evaluation randomly samples a total order consistent with the partial order. Probability of an output = fraction of total orders that select it as optimal.

  2. MaxEnt Harmonic Grammar (@cite{goldwater-johnson-2003}): constraints have numerical weights; candidate probability ∝ exp(harmony score). More expressive than POC — can encode arbitrary probability distributions over outputs.

  3. Bridge: the OT limit theorem (maxent_ot_limit) shows that as α → ∞, MaxEnt recovers OT's categorical optimization, connecting the two frameworks.

Key results #

Output form for t/d-deletion: either retain or delete.

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      A candidate pairs a phonological context with an output form.

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            Candidates for a given context.

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              *CT (markedness): penalizes word-final consonant clusters ending in a coronal stop. Violated by the faithful (retaining) candidate. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).

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                MAX (faithfulness): penalizes deletion of an input consonant. Violated by the deleting candidate in all contexts. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).

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                  MAX-PRE-V (contextual faithfulness): penalizes deletion specifically in pre-vocalic position, where perceptual cues for t/d are maximal. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).

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                    MAX-FINAL (contextual faithfulness): penalizes deletion in phrase-final position, where consonantal release provides cues. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).

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                      The four constraints from the analysis.

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                        Violation profile for a candidate under the 4 constraints. Order: [*CT, MAX, MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL].

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                          Retain always violates *CT once and nothing else.

                          Delete in pre-C violates MAX only (no contextual faithfulness active).

                          Check if deletion is optimal under a given ranking for a given context.

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                            Count how many of the 24 total orderings produce deletion for a context.

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                              Pre-vocalic: 8 out of 24 rankings produce deletion. Deletion requires *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-PRE-V.

                              Pre-pausal: 8 out of 24 rankings produce deletion. Deletion requires *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-FINAL.

                              Pre-consonantal: 12 out of 24 rankings produce deletion. Deletion requires only *CT >> MAX (no contextual faithfulness).

                              The deletion pattern (preV?, pause?, preC?) produced by a ranking.

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                                The distinct language types across all 24 rankings.

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                                  The factorial typology has exactly 5 distinct language types, matching the 5 crucial ranking classes in table (12): a. (F,F,F) — MAX >> *CT, no deletion b. (F,T,T) — MAX-PRE-V >> *CT >> {MAX, MAX-FINAL} c. (T,F,T) — MAX-FINAL >> *CT >> {MAX, MAX-PRE-V} d. (F,F,T) — {MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL} >> *CT >> MAX e. (T,T,T) — *CT >> {MAX, MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL}

                                  Helper: count rankings producing a given deletion pattern.

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                                    Type a (F,F,F): 12 rankings — MAX >> *CT blocks all deletion.

                                    Type b (F,T,T): 2 rankings — MAX-PRE-V >> *CT >> {MAX, MAX-FINAL}.

                                    Type c (T,F,T): 2 rankings — MAX-FINAL >> *CT >> {MAX, MAX-PRE-V}.

                                    Type d (F,F,T): 2 rankings — {MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL} >> *CT >> MAX.

                                    Type e (T,T,T): 6 rankings — *CT >> {MAX, MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL}.

                                    No ranking produces the (T,F,F) pattern — deletion only in pre-V without pre-C deletion is impossible.

                                    Every ranking that produces pre-V deletion also produces pre-C deletion. This is the structural reason POC cannot generate reversed rates: pre-V deletion requires *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-PRE-V, which entails *CT >> MAX, the sole condition for pre-C deletion.

                                    Similarly, every ranking producing pause deletion also produces pre-C deletion: *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-FINAL entails *CT >> MAX.

                                    No ranking produces pre-V or pause deletion without also producing pre-C deletion. This is the formal basis for the cross-dialectal generalization P(del|preC) ≥ P(del|preV) in any POC grammar.

                                    Weighted version of the t/d-deletion constraints for MaxEnt. Weight parameterization enables dialect-specific fitting.

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                                      MaxEnt harmony ordering is a decidable proxy for probability ordering: H(a) > H(b) ⟺ P(a) > P(b) by monotonicity of exp.

                                      With AAVE weights from table (23) ME-HG row, deletion probability ranks pre-C > pause > pre-V. Weights are exact ℚ transcriptions of the one-decimal-place values reported in the paper: *CT = 100.6, MAX-P-V = 2.1, MAX-FIN = 0.2, MAX = 99.4.

                                      With non-negative MAX-PRE-V weight, harmony of pre-C deletion ≥ pre-V deletion. Pre-V delete violates {MAX, MAX-PRE-V} while pre-C delete violates only {MAX}, so H(del|preC) - H(del|preV) = wMaxPreV ≥ 0.

                                      Banning negative weights thus makes MaxEnt respect the same typological restriction as POC (@cite{coetzee-pater-2011} §4.4).

                                      Analogously, non-negative MAX-FINAL weight ensures pre-C ≥ pause. H(del|preC) - H(del|pause) = wMaxFin ≥ 0.

                                      POC cannot generate Tejano': every ranking that produces pre-V deletion also produces pre-C deletion (§7), so P(del|preC) ≥ P(del|preV) for any POC grammar over these 4 constraints.

                                      MaxEnt CAN generate Tejano' with negative MAX-PRE-V weight: when MAX-PRE-V has a negative weight, violating it helps the candidate, rewarding deletion in pre-vocalic position.

                                      Witness: *CT = 1, MAX = 2, MAX-PRE-V = -2, MAX-FINAL = 0.

                                      • Pre-V delete: H = -(2·1 + (-2)·1) = 0; retain: H = -1
                                      • Pre-C delete: H = -(2·1) = -2; retain: H = -1

                                      @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} §4.4

                                      Framework separation: POC/StOT and MaxEnt have different typological predictions. POC cannot generate all patterns that MaxEnt can.

                                      Left conjunct: POC always has pre-C ≥ pre-V (structural implication). Right conjunct: MaxEnt can achieve pre-V > pre-C (negative weights).

                                      When MAX >> *CT, the categorical OT prediction is retention (no deletion) in all contexts.

                                      When *CT >> all faithfulness, the categorical OT prediction is deletion in all contexts.