Coetzee & Pater (2011): The Place of Variation in Phonological Theory #
@cite{coetzee-pater-2011}
Handbook of Phonological Theory chapter comparing three frameworks for modeling phonological variation, illustrated with English t/d-deletion.
Models formalized #
Partially Ordered Constraints (POC) (@cite{anttila-1997}, @cite{kiparsky-1993b}): grammar is a partial order on OT constraints. Each evaluation randomly samples a total order consistent with the partial order. Probability of an output = fraction of total orders that select it as optimal.
MaxEnt Harmonic Grammar (@cite{goldwater-johnson-2003}): constraints have numerical weights; candidate probability ∝ exp(harmony score). More expressive than POC — can encode arbitrary probability distributions over outputs.
Bridge: the OT limit theorem (
maxent_ot_limit) shows that as α → ∞, MaxEnt recovers OT's categorical optimization, connecting the two frameworks.
Key results #
POC deletion counts: 4! = 24 total rankings; pre-V deletion in 8, pre-pause in 8, pre-C in 12, matching @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} §3.2.
Factorial typology: exactly 5 distinct language types across all 24 rankings, matching the 5 crucial ranking classes in table (12).
Structural implication: every ranking that produces pre-V deletion also produces pre-C deletion. This is the formal basis for the cross-dialectal generalization pre-C ≥ pre-V.
Tejano' impossibility (§4.4): a hypothetical dialect with pre-C < pre-V rates cannot be generated by POC or Stochastic OT but CAN be generated by MaxEnt with negative weights — a concrete framework separation theorem.
Output form for t/d-deletion: either retain or delete.
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A candidate pairs a phonological context with an output form.
- context : Fragments.English.TDDeletion.Context
- output : TDOutput
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Candidates for a given context.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
*CT (markedness): penalizes word-final consonant clusters ending in a coronal stop. Violated by the faithful (retaining) candidate. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
MAX (faithfulness): penalizes deletion of an input consonant. Violated by the deleting candidate in all contexts. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
MAX-PRE-V (contextual faithfulness): penalizes deletion specifically in pre-vocalic position, where perceptual cues for t/d are maximal. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
MAX-FINAL (contextual faithfulness): penalizes deletion in phrase-final position, where consonantal release provides cues. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} example (11).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The four constraints from the analysis.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
*CT is a markedness constraint.
MAX is a faithfulness constraint.
MAX-PRE-V is a faithfulness constraint.
MAX-FINAL is a faithfulness constraint.
All violations are bounded by 1 (binary constraints).
Violation profile for a candidate under the 4 constraints. Order: [*CT, MAX, MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL].
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Retain always violates *CT once and nothing else.
Delete in pre-C violates MAX only (no contextual faithfulness active).
Delete in pre-V violates MAX and MAX-PRE-V.
Delete pre-pausally violates MAX and MAX-FINAL.
Check if deletion is optimal under a given ranking for a given context.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Count how many of the 24 total orderings produce deletion for a context.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Total number of rankings = 4! = 24.
Pre-vocalic: 8 out of 24 rankings produce deletion. Deletion requires *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-PRE-V.
Pre-pausal: 8 out of 24 rankings produce deletion. Deletion requires *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-FINAL.
Pre-consonantal: 12 out of 24 rankings produce deletion. Deletion requires only *CT >> MAX (no contextual faithfulness).
Pre-C deletion rate is strictly higher than pre-V and pre-pause, matching the cross-dialectal generalization.
Pre-V and pre-pause have equal deletion counts (8/24 each).
The deletion pattern (preV?, pause?, preC?) produced by a ranking.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The factorial typology has exactly 5 distinct language types, matching the 5 crucial ranking classes in table (12): a. (F,F,F) — MAX >> *CT, no deletion b. (F,T,T) — MAX-PRE-V >> *CT >> {MAX, MAX-FINAL} c. (T,F,T) — MAX-FINAL >> *CT >> {MAX, MAX-PRE-V} d. (F,F,T) — {MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL} >> *CT >> MAX e. (T,T,T) — *CT >> {MAX, MAX-PRE-V, MAX-FINAL}
The 5 per-type counts sum to 24, exhausting all rankings.
Every ranking that produces pre-V deletion also produces pre-C deletion. This is the structural reason POC cannot generate reversed rates: pre-V deletion requires *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-PRE-V, which entails *CT >> MAX, the sole condition for pre-C deletion.
Similarly, every ranking producing pause deletion also produces pre-C deletion: *CT >> MAX ∧ *CT >> MAX-FINAL entails *CT >> MAX.
No ranking produces pre-V or pause deletion without also producing pre-C deletion. This is the formal basis for the cross-dialectal generalization P(del|preC) ≥ P(del|preV) in any POC grammar.
Weighted version of the t/d-deletion constraints for MaxEnt. Weight parameterization enables dialect-specific fitting.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
MaxEnt harmony ordering is a decidable proxy for probability ordering:
H(a) > H(b) ⟺ P(a) > P(b) by monotonicity of exp.
With AAVE weights from table (23) ME-HG row, deletion probability ranks pre-C > pause > pre-V. Weights are exact ℚ transcriptions of the one-decimal-place values reported in the paper: *CT = 100.6, MAX-P-V = 2.1, MAX-FIN = 0.2, MAX = 99.4.
With non-negative MAX-PRE-V weight, harmony of pre-C deletion ≥ pre-V deletion. Pre-V delete violates {MAX, MAX-PRE-V} while pre-C delete violates only {MAX}, so H(del|preC) - H(del|preV) = wMaxPreV ≥ 0.
Banning negative weights thus makes MaxEnt respect the same typological restriction as POC (@cite{coetzee-pater-2011} §4.4).
Analogously, non-negative MAX-FINAL weight ensures pre-C ≥ pause. H(del|preC) - H(del|pause) = wMaxFin ≥ 0.
Tejano' is a hypothetical dialect with reversed pre-C/pre-V rates: lowest deletion in pre-consonantal position. Created by swapping Tejano's pre-V (25%) and pre-C (62%) rates. @cite{coetzee-pater-2011} §4.4.
Equations
- Phenomena.PhonologicalAlternation.Studies.CoetzeePater2011.tejanoPrime Fragments.English.TDDeletion.Context.preV = 62
- Phenomena.PhonologicalAlternation.Studies.CoetzeePater2011.tejanoPrime Fragments.English.TDDeletion.Context.pause = 46
- Phenomena.PhonologicalAlternation.Studies.CoetzeePater2011.tejanoPrime Fragments.English.TDDeletion.Context.preC = 25
Instances For
Tejano' has reversed rates: pre-V > pre-C.
POC cannot generate Tejano': every ranking that produces pre-V deletion also produces pre-C deletion (§7), so P(del|preC) ≥ P(del|preV) for any POC grammar over these 4 constraints.
MaxEnt CAN generate Tejano' with negative MAX-PRE-V weight: when MAX-PRE-V has a negative weight, violating it helps the candidate, rewarding deletion in pre-vocalic position.
Witness: *CT = 1, MAX = 2, MAX-PRE-V = -2, MAX-FINAL = 0.
- Pre-V delete: H = -(2·1 + (-2)·1) = 0; retain: H = -1
- Pre-C delete: H = -(2·1) = -2; retain: H = -1
@cite{coetzee-pater-2011} §4.4
Framework separation: POC/StOT and MaxEnt have different typological predictions. POC cannot generate all patterns that MaxEnt can.
Left conjunct: POC always has pre-C ≥ pre-V (structural implication). Right conjunct: MaxEnt can achieve pre-V > pre-C (negative weights).
When MAX >> *CT, the categorical OT prediction is retention (no deletion) in all contexts.
When *CT >> all faithfulness, the categorical OT prediction is deletion in all contexts.