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Linglib.Phenomena.Morphology.Studies.ZwickyPullum1983

@cite{zwicky-pullum-1983}: Cliticization vs. Inflection #

@cite{zwicky-pullum-1983}

Empirical data and classification theorems for the argument that English contracted negator -n't is an inflectional affix, not a simple clitic.

Core argument #

Six diagnostics (A–F) separate clitics from inflectional affixes. English simple clitics ('s, 've, 'd) score clitic-like on all six. English inflectional affixes (-ed, -s, -est) score affix-like on all six. The contracted negator -n't scores affix-like on all six — a surprising result given the near-universal prior assumption that it is a clitic.

Semantic scope bridge (criterion D) #

The scope irregularity of negation with modals provides a bridge to Semantics.Modality: can't means NOT(CAN(P)) but mustn't means MUST(NOT(P)). This non-compositional scope behavior is characteristic of inflectional affixes, not clitics.

Simple clitics: 's (has/is), 've, 'd #

Z&P §2 (criteria A–D) and §3 (criteria E–F):

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        Inflectional affixes: -ed (past), -s (plural), -est (superlative) #

        Z&P §2 (criteria A–D) and §3 (criteria E–F):

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              The contracted negator -n't #

              Z&P §4 (the core of the paper):

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                The simple clitics classify as simpleClitic.

                The inflectional affixes classify as inflAffix.

                The main result: -n't classifies as inflAffix, not simpleClitic.

                -n't scores 6/6 affix-like — unambiguous.

                The simple clitics score 0/6 affix-like — unambiguous.

                Verify that the paradigm gaps in Table 1 are encoded in the Fragment data.

                may has no contracted negative form (*mayn't is a paradigm gap).

                am has no contracted negative form (*amn't is a paradigm gap).

                Verify that the phonologically irregular forms are flagged in Fragment data.

                Scope of negation with contracted modals #

                Z&P observe that can't and mustn't show opposite scope relations:

                This is an irregularity in the connection between the contracted form and its uncontracted paraphrase. For can, You cannot go home = You can not go home = NOT(CAN(P)). But for must, You must not go home is ambiguous — it can mean MUST(NOT(P)) (the reading that mustn't unambiguously selects).

                This scope irregularity is predicted by the inflectional-affix analysis: if -n't is an affix, it forms a lexical unit with the auxiliary, and lexical items can have idiosyncratic scope properties. If -n't were a clitic (a reduced form of not), its scope should always match not.

                We formalize this using Semantics.Modality.ModalTheory.

                Scope of negation relative to a modal operator.

                • negOverModal : NegModalScope

                  Negation scopes over the modal: NOT(MODAL(P)). You can't go = it's not the case that you can go.

                • modalOverNeg : NegModalScope

                  Modal scopes over negation: MODAL(NOT(P)). You mustn't go = you must not go.

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                    The scope pattern for a contracted negative auxiliary.

                    can't: NOT(CAN(P)) — negOverModal with possibility mustn't: MUST(NOT(P)) — modalOverNeg with necessity

                    That these differ is the semantic idiosyncrasy. If -n't were simply a reduced form of not, both should have the same scope relation.

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                        can't selects NOT(CAN(P)): negation over possibility.

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                          mustn't selects MUST(NOT(P)): necessity over negation.

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                            The scope patterns differ — this is the semantic idiosyncrasy.

                            NOT(CAN(P)) and CAN(NOT(P)) are not equivalent in general.

                            There exists a normal modal theory where ¬◇P ≠ ◇¬P: when w0 accesses worlds where P differs, ◇P and ◇¬P are both true, so ¬◇P = false but ◇¬P = true.

                            NOT(MUST(P)) and MUST(NOT(P)) are not equivalent in general.

                            There exists a normal modal theory where ¬□P ≠ □¬P: failing to be necessary (¬□P = true when P fails at w2) is weaker than being necessarily false (□¬P = false when P holds at w1).

                            -n't attaches only to finite auxiliaries. Verify that the host set matches the auxiliary inventory from Fragments/English/FunctionWords.

                            The number of auxiliaries with contracted negative forms (= the productive range of -n't).

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                              Most auxiliaries have a contracted negative form, but there are gaps.

                              At least five auxiliaries show phonological irregularity in their contracted negative form (Z&P criterion C).