@cite{zwicky-pullum-1983}: Cliticization vs. Inflection #
@cite{zwicky-pullum-1983}
Empirical data and classification theorems for the argument that English contracted negator -n't is an inflectional affix, not a simple clitic.
Core argument #
Six diagnostics (A–F) separate clitics from inflectional affixes. English simple clitics ('s, 've, 'd) score clitic-like on all six. English inflectional affixes (-ed, -s, -est) score affix-like on all six. The contracted negator -n't scores affix-like on all six — a surprising result given the near-universal prior assumption that it is a clitic.
Semantic scope bridge (criterion D) #
The scope irregularity of negation with modals provides a bridge to
Semantics.Modality: can't means NOT(CAN(P)) but mustn't
means MUST(NOT(P)). This non-compositional scope behavior is characteristic
of inflectional affixes, not clitics.
Simple clitics: 's (has/is), 've, 'd #
Z&P §2 (criteria A–D) and §3 (criteria E–F):
- A. Low selection: attach to prepositions, verbs, adjectives, adverbs
- B. No arbitrary gaps: combine with any phonologically suitable host
- C. No morphophonological idiosyncrasies: regular reduction
- D. No semantic idiosyncrasies: meaning identical to full form
- E. No syntactic rules affect the combination (no SAI on clitic groups)
- F. Can attach to material already containing clitics (I'd've)
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Inflectional affixes: -ed (past), -s (plural), -est (superlative) #
Z&P §2 (criteria A–D) and §3 (criteria E–F):
- A. High selection: each attaches to a single major category
- B. Arbitrary gaps: *strided, *goed
- C. Morphophonological idiosyncrasies: slept, went, best
- D. Semantic idiosyncrasies: last (superlative of late, but not "most recent" — rather "final")
- E. Syntactic rules affect affixed words (inflected nouns, verbs, adjectives are regular syntactic units)
- F. Cannot attach to cliticized material
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The contracted negator -n't #
Z&P §4 (the core of the paper):
- A. High selection (closedClass): attaches only to finite auxiliaries (not to main verbs, prepositions, adjectives, adverbs)
- B. Arbitrary gaps: *mayn't, *amn't (Table 1)
- C. Morphophonological idiosyncrasies: won't [wont] ← will, can't [kænt] ← can, don't [dont] ← do, shan't ← shall
- D. Semantic idiosyncrasies: mustn't = MUST(NOT(P)), not NOT(MUST(P)); can't = NOT(CAN(P)), not CAN(NOT(P)). Scope of negation varies.
- E. SAI applies to -n't forms: Isn't he?, Can't you?, Haven't they?. Contracted negator moves with auxiliary under T-to-C.
- F. Cannot attach to cliticized material: *I'd'ven't (cf. I'd've)
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The simple clitics classify as simpleClitic.
The inflectional affixes classify as inflAffix.
The main result: -n't classifies as inflAffix, not simpleClitic.
-n't scores 6/6 affix-like — unambiguous.
The simple clitics score 0/6 affix-like — unambiguous.
Verify that the paradigm gaps in Table 1 are encoded in the Fragment data.
may has no contracted negative form (*mayn't is a paradigm gap).
am has no contracted negative form (*amn't is a paradigm gap).
Verify that the phonologically irregular forms are flagged in Fragment data.
won't is phonologically irregular (not willn't).
can't is phonologically irregular.
don't is phonologically irregular (not don't [dunt]).
shan't is phonologically irregular (not shalln't).
mustn't shows [t]-deletion: [mʌsnt] not *[mʌstnt].
Regular forms: couldn't, wouldn't, shouldn't show no irregularity.
Scope of negation with contracted modals #
Z&P observe that can't and mustn't show opposite scope relations:
- You can't go home = NOT(CAN(P)): negation scopes over possibility
- You mustn't go home = MUST(NOT(P)): necessity scopes over negation
This is an irregularity in the connection between the contracted form and its uncontracted paraphrase. For can, You cannot go home = You can not go home = NOT(CAN(P)). But for must, You must not go home is ambiguous — it can mean MUST(NOT(P)) (the reading that mustn't unambiguously selects).
This scope irregularity is predicted by the inflectional-affix analysis: if -n't is an affix, it forms a lexical unit with the auxiliary, and lexical items can have idiosyncratic scope properties. If -n't were a clitic (a reduced form of not), its scope should always match not.
We formalize this using Semantics.Modality.ModalTheory.
Scope of negation relative to a modal operator.
- negOverModal : NegModalScope
Negation scopes over the modal: NOT(MODAL(P)). You can't go = it's not the case that you can go.
- modalOverNeg : NegModalScope
Modal scopes over negation: MODAL(NOT(P)). You mustn't go = you must not go.
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Evaluate NOT(MODAL(P)) at world w.
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- Phenomena.Morphology.ZwickyPullum1983.evalNegOverModal T force p w = !T.eval force p w
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Evaluate MODAL(NOT(P)) at world w.
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- Phenomena.Morphology.ZwickyPullum1983.evalModalOverNeg T force p w = T.eval force (fun (w' : Semantics.Attitudes.Intensional.World) => !p w') w
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The scope pattern for a contracted negative auxiliary.
can't: NOT(CAN(P)) — negOverModal with possibility
mustn't: MUST(NOT(P)) — modalOverNeg with necessity
That these differ is the semantic idiosyncrasy. If -n't were simply a reduced form of not, both should have the same scope relation.
- auxiliary : String
The base auxiliary form.
- force : Semantics.Modality.ModalForce
The modal force of the auxiliary.
- scope : NegModalScope
Which scope reading the contracted form selects.
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- Phenomena.Morphology.ZwickyPullum1983.instBEqContractedNegScope.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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can't selects NOT(CAN(P)): negation over possibility.
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mustn't selects MUST(NOT(P)): necessity over negation.
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The scope patterns differ — this is the semantic idiosyncrasy.
NOT(CAN(P)) and CAN(NOT(P)) are not equivalent in general.
There exists a normal modal theory where ¬◇P ≠ ◇¬P: when w0 accesses worlds where P differs, ◇P and ◇¬P are both true, so ¬◇P = false but ◇¬P = true.
NOT(MUST(P)) and MUST(NOT(P)) are not equivalent in general.
There exists a normal modal theory where ¬□P ≠ □¬P: failing to be necessary (¬□P = true when P fails at w2) is weaker than being necessarily false (□¬P = false when P holds at w1).
-n't attaches only to finite auxiliaries. Verify that the host set
matches the auxiliary inventory from Fragments/English/FunctionWords.
Every auxiliary in the inventory is either a modal, do-support, be, or have.
The number of auxiliaries with contracted negative forms (= the productive range of -n't).
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The number of paradigm gaps (auxiliaries without -n't).
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Most auxiliaries have a contracted negative form, but there are gaps.
At least five auxiliaries show phonological irregularity in their contracted negative form (Z&P criterion C).