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Linglib.Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010

Narrog (2010): (Inter)subjectification in Modality and Mood #

@cite{narrog-2010}

Study file connecting @cite{narrog-2010}'s theoretical claims to the cross-linguistic data in Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity. The chapter argues that strong obligation markers are cross-linguistically uncommon because obligation is inherently face-threatening and socially costly, so languages tend not to grammaticalize it — or to do so only indirectly.

@cite{narrog-2012} ch. 2 decomposes the face-threatening potential of obligation into three independent dimensions — performativity, volitivity, and speaker-orientation. Face-threat is derived from this decomposition (see NarrogPosition.isFaceThreatening), not stipulated per deontic necessity type.

Key Empirical Claims #

  1. Strong obligation (must-type) markers exist in only 60/200 languages, barely more than weak obligation (should-type) at 62/200.
  2. Japanese avoids strong obligation with 2nd-person subjects entirely (0 instances of -(a)nakereba naranai with 2nd-person subject).
  3. The deontic-to-epistemic polyfunctionality (English must) is cross-linguistically rare: only 3 of 42 changes in Bybee et al.'s sample involve this shift.

Bridges #

The deontic → epistemic shift is uncommon cross-linguistically.

Of the 8 most common modal changes (Bybee et al. 1994), only changes #6 and #7 go from volitive (deontic) to non-volitive (epistemic), and these are among the least frequent (3 and 2 grams respectively).

Person distribution for Japanese strong necessity -(a)nakereba naranai.

@cite{narrog-2010} Table 5 (Chiang 2007: 72): of 115 tokens, 0 have a 2nd-person subject. This avoidance reflects the face-threatening nature of strong obligation directed at the addressee.

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          The abbreviated form allows 2nd-person (mitigated by omitting the negative consequent).

          The 2nd-person avoidance pattern is predicted by face-threat: strong necessity (face-threatening) avoids 2nd-person, while the abbreviated form (mitigated → less face-threatening) allows it.

          This connects the pragmatic dimension (face-threat from performativity) to the distributional observation (person restrictions).