Narrog (2010): (Inter)subjectification in Modality and Mood #
@cite{narrog-2010}
Study file connecting @cite{narrog-2010}'s theoretical claims to the
cross-linguistic data in Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity. The chapter argues
that strong obligation markers are cross-linguistically uncommon because
obligation is inherently face-threatening and socially costly, so languages
tend not to grammaticalize it — or to do so only indirectly.
@cite{narrog-2012} ch. 2 decomposes the face-threatening potential of obligation
into three independent dimensions — performativity, volitivity, and
speaker-orientation. Face-threat is derived from this decomposition (see
NarrogPosition.isFaceThreatening), not stipulated per deontic necessity type.
Key Empirical Claims #
- Strong obligation (must-type) markers exist in only 60/200 languages, barely more than weak obligation (should-type) at 62/200.
- Japanese avoids strong obligation with 2nd-person subjects entirely (0 instances of -(a)nakereba naranai with 2nd-person subject).
- The deontic-to-epistemic polyfunctionality (English must) is cross-linguistically rare: only 3 of 42 changes in Bybee et al.'s sample involve this shift.
Bridges #
Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity: provides the 200-language data.Semantics.Modality.Narrog: provides the theoretical framework (volitivity, speaker-orientation, performativity, directionality).
Map deontic necessity type to its position in Narrog's 3D space.
Strong obligation is performative + volitive + speaker-oriented: the speaker creates the obligation by uttering it. Weak obligation is descriptive: the speaker reports an existing norm. This difference explains the cross-linguistic asymmetry in grammaticalization.
Equations
- Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010.toNarrogPosition Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity.DeonticNecessityType.strong = Semantics.Modality.Narrog.strongObligation
- Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010.toNarrogPosition Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity.DeonticNecessityType.weak = Semantics.Modality.Narrog.weakObligation
- Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010.toNarrogPosition Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity.DeonticNecessityType.neutral = Semantics.Modality.Narrog.weakObligation
- Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010.toNarrogPosition Core.Modality.DeonticNecessity.DeonticNecessityType.indeterminate = Semantics.Modality.Narrog.dynamicAbility
Instances For
Strong obligation is face-threatening (derived from 3D position).
Weak obligation is NOT face-threatening (descriptive, not performative).
The face-threat asymmetry between strong and weak obligation is structurally explained: they differ only in performativity.
Strong obligation is a minority pattern: only 60/200 languages.
Weak obligation (should-type) is at least as common as strong (must-type).
The deontic → epistemic shift is uncommon cross-linguistically.
Of the 8 most common modal changes (Bybee et al. 1994), only changes #6 and #7 go from volitive (deontic) to non-volitive (epistemic), and these are among the least frequent (3 and 2 grams respectively).
Person distribution for Japanese strong necessity -(a)nakereba naranai.
@cite{narrog-2010} Table 5 (Chiang 2007: 72): of 115 tokens, 0 have a 2nd-person subject. This avoidance reflects the face-threatening nature of strong obligation directed at the addressee.
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
- Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010.japaneseStrongNecessity = { construction := "-(a)nakereba naranai", firstPerson := 52, secondPerson := 0, thirdPerson := 63 }
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- Phenomena.Modality.Studies.Narrog2010.japaneseAbbreviated = { construction := "-(a)nakya/naktya", firstPerson := 35, secondPerson := 13, thirdPerson := 4 }
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Strong necessity completely avoids 2nd-person subjects.
The abbreviated form allows 2nd-person (mitigated by omitting the negative consequent).
Total tokens for strong necessity.
Total tokens for abbreviated form.
The 2nd-person avoidance pattern is predicted by face-threat: strong necessity (face-threatening) avoids 2nd-person, while the abbreviated form (mitigated → less face-threatening) allows it.
This connects the pragmatic dimension (face-threat from performativity) to the distributional observation (person restrictions).