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Linglib.Phenomena.Gender.Studies.Kramer2020

Kramer 2020: Grammatical Gender — A Close Look at Gender Assignment #

@cite{kramer-2020} @cite{kramer-2015} @cite{corbett-1991} @cite{harris-1991}

Formalizes the core contributions of @cite{kramer-2020}, a review article that sharpens and extends @cite{kramer-2015}'s structural approach to gender assignment. Three main results:

  1. The Semantic Core Generalization (ex. 2/28): every language with grammatical gender assigns gender semantically to at least some nouns, based on animacy, humanness, and/or social gender/biological sex.

  2. Lexical vs structural gender assignment (§3): a comparison of @cite{harris-1991}'s lexical rules with @cite{kramer-2015}'s structural n-based approach, identifying three phenomena that differentiate them: phonological assignment (§3.3.1), hybrid nouns (§3.3.2), and the Semantic Core (§3.3.3).

  3. Cross-linguistic variation in arbitrary assignment (Table 2): remainder nouns vary along two dimensions — same vs different gender(s), recycled vs novel vs both.

Integration #

The typological SemanticBasis and the DM GenderDimension describe the same underlying distinction from different perspectives: typology asks what semantic property organizes the system, while DM asks what binary feature sits on n. @cite{kramer-2020} makes this connection explicit by analyzing sex-based systems as [±FEM] or [±MASC], and animacy-based systems as [±ANIM].

The mapping is partial in two ways:

  1. SemanticBasis.shape and .rationality have no standard DM feature dimension (no [±SHAPE] or [±RATIONAL] in the literature).

  2. SemanticBasis.humanness maps to .anim because @cite{kramer-2015} does not posit a [±HUMAN] dimension — the closest is [±ANIM]. This is a limitation of the current DM feature inventory, not a claim that humanness is a subset of animacy (e.g. Akɔɔse distinguishes human vs nonhuman, which is orthogonal to animate vs inanimate).

Whether a SemanticBasis falls within the semantic core.

@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 3 identifies three core properties; shape and rationality are additional semantic bases (§2.2.1) that go beyond the core but never constitute the only basis for a gender system.

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    The Semantic Core Generalization: a gender profile satisfies it iff it either has no gender system, or at least one of its semantic bases falls within the core {animacy, humanness, social gender/sex}.

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      Semantic Core Generalization (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 2/28): every language in the sample satisfies the semantic core.

      Whether remainder nouns use recycled genders, novel genders, or both. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2)

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          How remainder nouns (those not assigned gender by the semantic core) are distributed across genders (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2).

          Two independent parameters:

          1. Are all remainder nouns in the same gender, or spread across genders?
          2. Is the remainder gender recycled, novel, or a mix of both?
          • sameGender : Bool

            Are all remainder nouns assigned to a single gender?

          • genderSource : RemainderGenderSource

            Source of the remainder gender(s).

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                Dieri (Pama-Nyungan): all remainder nouns are masculine (= same gender used for male humans). Same gender, recycled. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2)

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                  Tamil (Dravidian): remainder nouns go to neuter — a novel gender not used for the male/female semantic core. Same gender, novel. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2; Asher 1982)

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                    Spanish: remainder nouns are split arbitrarily across masculine and feminine — both recycled genders. Different genders, recycled. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 1, Table 2; @cite{harris-1991})

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                      Akɔɔse (Niger-Congo: Bantu): remainder nouns spread across at least 7 noun classes — novel genders. Different genders, novel. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2; Hedinger 2008)

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                        Blackfoot (Algic: Algonquian): inanimate nouns are assigned either a novel inanimate gender or a recycled animate gender. Different genders, both recycled and novel. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2; Frantz 2017)

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                          @cite{kramer-2020} §3.2 contrasts two theoretical approaches:

                          Lexical (@cite{harris-1991}): gender assigned via lexical rules that map semantic features (e.g. [FEMALE]) to grammatical gender features (e.g. [F]). Each noun is listed with its gender feature in the lexicon. Gender is a property of the lexical entry.

                          Structural (@cite{kramer-2015}): gender is a phi-feature on the categorizing head n. A root combines with an n bearing gender features via syntactic Merge. Gender is a property of the syntactic structure.

                          Three phenomena differentiate them (§3.3):

                          1. Phonological gender assignment
                          2. Hybrid nouns (e.g. Russian vrač)
                          3. The Semantic Core Generalization

                          A lexical gender rule: maps a semantic feature to a grammatical gender feature in a specified context. (@cite{harris-1991})

                          The semanticBasis identifies which semantic property triggers the rule; targetDimension identifies which DM gender dimension is assigned; context describes the conditioning environment.

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                                Harris's Human Gender rule for Spanish: [FEMALE] → [F] / __ [HUMAN] The semantic feature [FEMALE] triggers assignment of the grammatical gender feature [F] (feminine) in the context of [HUMAN] nouns. (@cite{harris-1991}; @cite{kramer-2020} ex. 23)

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                                  Harris's rule connects two core semantic bases: assignment is triggered by social gender/sex and conditioned on humanness.

                                  The status of a diagnostic phenomenon for a theoretical approach. @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3 argues that some phenomena are genuinely diagnostic while others are inconclusive.

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                                      A gender assignment approach, characterized by how it handles each of the three diagnostic phenomena from §3.3.

                                      • phonologicalAssignment : DiagnosticStatus

                                        §3.3.1: phonological gender assignment

                                      • hybridAgreement : DiagnosticStatus

                                        §3.3.2: hybrid nouns (simultaneous dual agreement)

                                      • predictsSemanticCore : DiagnosticStatus

                                        §3.3.3: the Semantic Core Generalization

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                                            The lexical approach (@cite{harris-1991}).

                                            • Phonological assignment: handled (lexical rules can reference phonology), but @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.1 argues the phenomenon may not exist — Hausa -ā is morphophonological realization, not assignment.
                                            • Hybrid agreement: problematic — a lexical entry has one gender feature; a single entry cannot be both [M] and [F] (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2)
                                            • Semantic Core: problematic — nothing prevents a language from having only arbitrary gender rules without any semantic connection (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3)
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                                              The structural approach (@cite{kramer-2015}).

                                              • Phonological assignment: inconclusive — syntax cannot see phonology, but @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.1 argues the phenomenon is better analyzed as morphophonological realization of a gender feature on n, so the structural approach is not genuinely challenged.
                                              • Hybrid agreement: handled — a root can combine with different n heads, or a social-gender projection can override morphosyntactic gender (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2)
                                              • Semantic Core: handled — via the Thesis of Radical Interpretability: if a language has gender features, at least some must be interpretable, which forces semantic assignment for at least some nouns (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3)
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                                                The structural approach handles 2 of the 3 diagnostic phenomena; the lexical approach handles 1. Phonological assignment is inconclusive for both (the structural approach because syntax can't see phonology; the lexical approach because Kramer argues the phenomenon doesn't exist as described). This is the basis for @cite{kramer-2020} §3.4's conclusion that "structural gender assignment has a slight edge."

                                                Radical Interpretability (Brody 1997; Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2007): each syntactic feature must receive a semantic interpretation in some syntactic location.

                                                In formal terms: if a feature F has an uninterpretable instantiation in a language, then F also has an interpretable instantiation in that language. The converse need not hold.

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                                                  Amharic's n types satisfy Radical Interpretability: the uninterpretable u[+FEM] is accompanied by interpretable i[+FEM] and i[−FEM] in the same dimension.

                                                  theorem Phenomena.Gender.Studies.Kramer2020.no_purely_arbitrary_under_ri (features : List Morphology.DM.GenderFeature) (hRI : radicalInterpretability features) (hNonempty : gffeatures, True) (hAllU : gffeatures, gf.interp = Morphology.DM.Interpretability.u) :

                                                  The Semantic Core follows from Radical Interpretability + structural assignment: if a language has any gender feature (even uninterpretable), it must have an interpretable one in the same dimension, which forces at least some nouns to be assigned gender semantically.

                                                  Contrapositively: a language with only uninterpretable gender (pure arbitrary assignment, no semantic core) violates Radical Interpretability.

                                                  Positive direction of the RI → Semantic Core derivation: if a language has gender features and satisfies Radical Interpretability, then it has at least one interpretable gender feature (which, being interpretable, forces semantic gender assignment for at least some nouns). (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3)

                                                  Same-root nominals: nouns that can be assigned different grammatical genders depending on the social gender of their referent. (@cite{kramer-2020} §2.2.3; @cite{kramer-2015}; @cite{corbett-1991})

                                                  In the structural approach, the root itself is ungendered; gender depends on which n head it merges with. Same-root nominals combine with alternative n heads depending on the referent.

                                                  Examples: Amharic hakim 'doctor' (ex. 13), Spanish estudiante 'student', Greek odigós 'driver'.

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                                                      Whether this is a genuine same-root nominal (multiple n options).

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                                                        Amharic hakim 'doctor': combines with either i[+FEM] or i[−FEM] depending on the referent. (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 13)

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                                                          Same-root nominals pose a challenge for lexical approaches: a single lexical entry cannot carry both [M] and [F]. The structural approach handles them by allowing the same root to merge with different n heads.

                                                          Hybrid nouns are distinct from same-root nominals. Where same-root nominals alternate gender depending on the referent (Amharic hakim is EITHER masculine OR feminine), hybrid nouns trigger BOTH genders SIMULTANEOUSLY on different agreement targets in the same sentence.

                                                          @cite{kramer-2020} ex. 16/27: Russian vrač 'doctor' očen' xoroš-aja glavn-yj vrač very good-F head-M doctor 'a very good head doctor'

                                                          Here xoroš-aja shows feminine agreement and glavn-yj shows masculine agreement with the SAME noun vrač in the SAME clause.

                                                          @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2 argues this is problematic for lexical approaches (a lexical entry has one gender feature) but handled by structural approaches (a social-gender projection can coexist with morphosyntactic gender on n).

                                                          A hybrid noun: a single lexical item that triggers different genders on different agreement targets simultaneously. (@cite{kramer-2020} §2.2.3, §3.3.2; @cite{corbett-1991})

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                                                              Russian vrač 'doctor': morphologically masculine (from n), but can trigger feminine agreement when referring to a female doctor. (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 15-16/27; @cite{corbett-1991})

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                                                                Hybrid nouns are problematic for lexical approaches: a lexical entry can bear only one gender feature, but hybrid nouns need two genders simultaneously. The structural approach handles this via separate projections for morphosyntactic and social gender. (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2)

                                                                An inventory of n heads for a language, with the number of surface genders that result from VI (@cite{kramer-2015} Chs 5-7).

                                                                The key insight: surface gender count is determined by VI rules, not directly by the n inventory. Two languages can have the SAME set of n heads but different numbers of surface genders (e.g., Dieri 2 vs Mangarayi 3).

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                                                                    Does this inventory include any arbitrary (uninterpretable) gender?

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                                                                      Is this a purely semantic gender system (no u-features)?

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                                                                                        Same n inventory, different surface genders: Dieri (2) vs Mangarayi (3). This demonstrates that surface gender count depends on VI, not the inventory itself.

                                                                                        Set 1 languages share the same n inventory (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 6).

                                                                                        3-n languages have purely semantic gender (no u-features). (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 5)

                                                                                        Lealao Chinantec is also purely semantic (animacy-based, Ch 5).

                                                                                        Ojibwe is a 4-n animacy language with arbitrary animate assignment (u[+ANIM]). (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 6, §6.4)

                                                                                        Ojibwe has the same structure as Set 1 sex-based languages (Amharic, Spanish) but in the animacy dimension: i[+ANIM], i[−ANIM], plain n, u[+ANIM].

                                                                                        Lavukaleve is maximal: 5 n heads (both u[+FEM] and u[−FEM]).

                                                                                        More n heads does not entail more surface genders: Amharic has 4 ns but only 2 surface genders.

                                                                                        Derive from fragment: libro 'book' has default masculine (plain n).

                                                                                        Bridge: convert a Spanish SameRootEntry to the cross-linguistic SameRootNominal type.

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                                                                                          Spanish soldado 'soldier' as a same-root nominal: the root √SOLDAD can combine with i[+FEM] or i[−FEM].

                                                                                          Spanish has the full Set 1 inventory: 4 n types.

                                                                                          @cite{kramer-2015} §3.4 identifies four classes of roots, distinguished by which n heads they are licensed to combine with:

                                                                                          1. Female-denoting roots (√WOMAN, √QUEEN): semantic licensing (List 3) requires n i[+FEM]. The Encyclopedia entry only provides a denotation in the context of an n head bearing [+FEM].
                                                                                          2. Male-denoting roots (√MAN, √KING): semantic licensing requires n i[−FEM].
                                                                                          3. Arbitrarily feminine roots (√TABLE, √CHAIR): PF licensing (List 2) requires n u[+FEM]. A VI rule specifies the exponent in the context of [+FEM] on n.
                                                                                          4. Default roots (√BOOK, √CAR): no licensing requirement. Combine with plain n (the elsewhere case).

                                                                                          This classification generates the licensing tables found in Tables 3.1 (Amharic, 3 ns) and 6.2 (Spanish, 4 ns).

                                                                                          Root classes from @cite{kramer-2015} §3.4, parameterized by which n head the root is licensed to combine with.

                                                                                          The first four classes are from Tables 3.1/6.2 (3-n and Set 1 4-n systems). arbitraryMasc extends the typology to 5-n systems (Russian, Lavukaleve) and Set 2 4-n systems (Maa, Wari'), where u[−FEM] is also attested.

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                                                                                              Verify that the Spanish fragment's nouns match their expected root classes. Each noun's nHead should equal the licensed n head for its root class.

                                                                                              Bridge: the licensing type of a root class agrees with the licensing type derived from its n head's gender feature. For gendered root classes, the GenderFeature.licensingType (defined in Categorizer.lean) produces the same result as RootClass.licensing.

                                                                                              persona is human-denoting but has u[+FEM] (arbitrary feminine), not i[+FEM] (natural feminine). This is the key exception to the pattern that human-denoting nouns get interpretable gender features. (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.2, p. 59; @cite{kramer-2015} §6.2)

                                                                                              In root-class terms: persona's root is licensed as arbitraryFem despite denoting humans — its root is only licensed to combine with n u[+FEM], never n i[+FEM] or n i[−FEM].

                                                                                              The NInventory (from the DM analysis of n heads, @cite{kramer-2015}) and the GenderProfile (from WALS typology, @cite{corbett-2013}) describe the same languages from different theoretical perspectives. The key bridge: the NInventory.surfaceGenders count should match GenderProfile.rawGenderCount for the same language.

                                                                                              Spanish: the DM n-inventory predicts the same number of surface genders as the WALS typological profile.

                                                                                              For Spanish, the n-inventory has 4 structural heads mapping to 2 surface genders — a many-to-one mapping mediated by VI (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 6). This is the central insight: structural richness (4 n types) does not imply surface richness (only 2 genders).

                                                                                              NInventory ↔ AssignmentSystem bridge: having arbitrary (u) features in the n-inventory corresponds to semanticAndFormal assignment in the WALS typology. 3-n languages with no u-features are semanticOnly. (@cite{kramer-2020} §2.3; @cite{corbett-2013} Ch 32)

                                                                                              In Set 1 languages (Spanish, Amharic), masculine is the DEFAULT gender: nouns with plain n (no gender feature) surface as masculine. The derivation:

                                                                                              1. The root combines with plain n (no gender feature on n).
                                                                                              2. At PF, Vocabulary Insertion looks for a matching exponent.
                                                                                              3. The [+FEM] exponent requires [+FEM] on n — it does NOT match.
                                                                                              4. The elsewhere/default exponent (masculine) is inserted.

                                                                                              In Set 2 languages (Maa, Wari'), the same logic yields feminine as default:

                                                                                              1. The root combines with plain n (no gender feature on n).
                                                                                              2. The [−FEM] exponent requires [−FEM] on n — it does NOT match.
                                                                                              3. The elsewhere/default exponent (feminine) is inserted.

                                                                                              The polarity of the u-feature determines which gender is arbitrary vs default.

                                                                                              Derive the surface gender for Set 1 Spanish: plain n has no [+FEM], so the [+FEM] VI rule does not match, yielding default masculine.

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                                                                                                  Set 1 default gender derivation: if n has no [+FEM] feature, the default VI rule inserts masculine. If n has [+FEM] (interpretable or uninterpretable), VI inserts feminine. (@cite{kramer-2015} §6.2; @cite{kramer-2020} §3)

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                                                                                                    Set 2 default gender derivation: if n has no [−FEM] feature, the default VI rule inserts feminine. If n has [−FEM] (interpretable or uninterpretable), VI inserts masculine. (@cite{kramer-2015} §6.3)

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                                                                                                      Fixed-gender nouns: persona surfaces as feminine despite denoting persons of any sex; ángel surfaces as masculine. The derivation chain correctly predicts this from their n heads.

                                                                                                      Russian is a 5-n language with 3 surface genders — the same inventory as Lavukaleve, supporting @cite{kramer-2015}'s prediction that n-inventory size and surface gender count are independent (mediated by VI).

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                                                                                                        Russian and Lavukaleve share the same n-inventory (5 heads).

                                                                                                        Russian: the DM n-inventory predicts the same number of surface genders as the WALS typological profile.

                                                                                                        vrač is a hybrid noun: its morphological gender (u[−FEM] = masculine) differs from the semantic gender triggered by a female referent ([+FEM]). This matches the russianVrac definition from §7.

                                                                                                        The NInventory.surfaceGenders field is currently stipulated. Here we derive the surface gender count from VI rules applied to each n-head, verifying that the computed count matches the stipulated count.

                                                                                                        The key VI patterns from @cite{kramer-2015}:

                                                                                                        A VI gender-class assignment: maps each n-head to a surface gender class (encoded as Nat). Two n-heads yielding the same Nat surface as the same gender.

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                                                                                                          Set 1 VI: [+FEM] → 0 (feminine), everything else → 1 (masculine).

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                                                                                                            Set 2 VI: [−FEM] → 1 (masculine), everything else → 0 (feminine).

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                                                                                                              3-gender VI: [+FEM] → 0, [−FEM] → 1, no feature → 2.

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                                                                                                                Dieri: same 3-n inventory as Mangarayi but 2 surface genders under Set 1 VI (where plain n → masculine, not neuter).

                                                                                                                The Dieri vs Mangarayi contrast: same n-heads, different VI → different surface gender counts. This is now DERIVED, not stipulated.