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Linglib.Phenomena.Focus.AdditiveParticles.Studies.TurcoBraunDimroth2014.Data

@cite{turco-braun-dimroth-2014} — Production Data #

@cite{turco-braun-dimroth-2014}

Empirical data from @cite{turco-braun-dimroth-2014}, who compare how Dutch and German speakers produce polarity-switch utterances (negation → affirmation) in contrast vs. correction contexts.

Key Findings #

  1. Dutch uses the affirmative particle wel as its dominant strategy (88% in contrast, 63% in correction).
  2. German uses Verum focus (pitch accent on finite verb) as its dominant strategy (82% in contrast, 78% in correction).
  3. German has zero sentence-internal polarity particles.
  4. Correction contexts elicit more prosodic prominence than contrast contexts (German VF pitch range: 5.3 vs. 3.1 semitones, β = 1.85, p < .0001).

Data Sources #

Types #

Languages compared in the study.

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      A production-strategy distribution datum (percentages as rationals). The distribution is keyed by PolarityMarkingStrategy, so adding a strategy constructor forces updating every datum.

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        A prosodic prominence datum (pitch range in semitones).

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            Production Strategy Data (Fig. 2) #

            Dutch contrast: 88% particle, 0% VF, 5% other, 7% unmarked

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              Dutch correction: 63% particle, 5% VF, 7% other, 25% unmarked

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                German contrast: 0% particle, 82% VF, 0% other, 18% unmarked

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                  German correction: 0% particle, 78% VF, 8% other, 14% unmarked

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                      Prosodic Prominence Data (Fig. 6) #

                      German VF pitch range in contrast: 3.1 semitones

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                        German VF pitch range in correction: 5.3 semitones (β=1.85, SE=0.39, p<.0001)

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                          Verification Theorems — Dominant Strategies #

                          Verification Theorems — German Zero Particles #

                          Verification Theorems — Prosodic Prominence #

                          Bridge Theorems — Fragment Connections #

                          Dutch wel is sentence-internal; German doch is not. This captures the key typological contrast: Dutch has a sentence-internal particle for polarity switches, German does not.