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Linglib.Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.Erlewine2018

Minimalism Bridge: Toba Batak Extraction Restriction @cite{erlewine-2018} #

@cite{elkins-torrence-brown-2026}

Connects the empirical extraction data from Toba Batak to the Minimalist analysis in @cite{erlewine-2018}.

The Analysis (@cite{erlewine-2018}, §3–4) #

The extraction restriction follows from the interaction of probing and nominal licensing:

  1. Predicate fronting (§4.2): C bears [PROBE:FOC], which attracts the closest [+FOC] constituent — normally the vP — to Spec,CP, deriving V-initial word order. The subject/pivot is stranded in Spec,TP after vP fronts.

  2. Nominal licensing (§4): T bears [PROBE:D], which Case-licenses the subject DP in Spec,TP. If a non-subject DP were attracted to Spec,CP by [PROBE:FOC], it would end up in a position with no available Case licensor — the derivation crashes. Therefore only the pivot (already Case-licensed by T) can be Ā-extracted.

  3. Non-DP extraction is unrestricted (§4.3): Since the restriction is about nominal licensing, non-DP constituents (adverbs, PPs) can freely front to Spec,CP regardless of voice.

The descriptive generalization is: extraction of a DP argument is grammatical iff it is the pivot for the given voice.

Connection to Mam #

Both TB and Mam involve successive-cyclic movement leaving morphological traces at clause boundaries. The shared abstraction is CyclicChain from Position.lean:

Predict whether extraction is grammatical from voice + extractee.

The nominal licensing analysis predicts:

  • DP arguments: extraction is grammatical iff the DP is the pivot, because only the pivot is Case-licensed (by T's [PROBE:D] in Spec,TP) before Ā-extraction (§2–4).
  • Non-DP adjuncts: always grammatical, because adjuncts don't need Case licensing (§4.3).
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    For DP arguments, the prediction function agrees with extractsPivot: extraction is grammatical iff the extracted element is the voice- determined pivot. This is the descriptive generalization that the nominal licensing analysis (predicate fronting + Case on T) derives.

    For DP arguments, the prediction function IS the pivot check — they agree extensionally on the extraction data. This grounds the descriptive generalization ("only pivots extract") in the licensing analysis ("only Case-licensed DPs can be Ā-extracted, and only the pivot is Case-licensed").

    The nominal licensing analysis predicts non-DPs extract freely: since non-DPs don't need Case, the Case-based restriction doesn't apply. This is the distinguishing prediction of §4.3.

    VP-raising (@cite{cole-hermon-2008}, Toba Batak) and predicate fronting (@cite{erlewine-2018}, Toba Batak) share the same core prediction: the predicate phrase moves above the subject, yielding V-initial surface order.

    Both analyses predict:

    1. The predicate c-commands the subject at surface structure
    2. Only the subject (pivot) can subsequently Ā-extract
    3. Non-DP adjuncts extract freely (not subject to Case licensing)

    The key parametric difference:

    • @cite{cole-hermon-2008}: VP moves to Spec,TP; subject stranded in Spec,vP
    • @cite{erlewine-2018}: vP moves to Spec,CP; subject stranded in Spec,TP

    vP-to-Spec,CP analysis #

    @cite{erlewine-2018}'s analysis differs structurally from @cite{cole-hermon-2008}:

    Both derive the same VOS surface order, but the derived tree is structurally different: Erlewine's has an additional CP layer, and the fronted constituent is vP (containing a subject trace) rather than bare VP.

    The vP after subject extraction: [vP tSubj [v' v [VP V Obj]]].

    The trace marks where the subject DP originated before moving to Spec,TP.

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      Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP derivation for Toba Batak VOS.

      Steps (bottom-up):

      1. EM-R Obj → [VP V Obj]
      2. EM-L v → [v' v VP]
      3. EM-L Subj → [vP Subj [v' v VP]]
      4. EM-L T → [TP T [vP Subj [v' v VP]]]
      5. IM Subj → [TP Subj [T' T [vP tSubj [v' v VP]]]]
      6. EM-L C → [CP C [TP Subj [T' T [vP tSubj [v' v VP]]]]]
      7. IM vP → [CP [vP tSubj v VP] [C' C [TP Subj [T' T tvP]]]]
      Equations
      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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        Erlewine's derivation yields VOS word order.

        Erlewine has TWO movements (Subj → Spec,TP + vP → Spec,CP) vs @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s ONE (VP → Spec,TP).

        Fronted vP c-commands the subject in Erlewine's derived tree.

        The fronted vP is in Spec,CP; its sister C' dominates the subject in Spec,TP. This yields the same binding prediction as @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s VP-in-Spec,TP analysis: the predicate phrase c-commands the subject.