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Linglib.Theories.Syntax.Minimalism.Core.Position

Derivational Positions #

@cite{abels-2012} @cite{erlewine-2016} @cite{erlewine-2018} @cite{chomsky-1995}

Derives positional information (specifier vs. complement) from merge history, following the Minimalist view that position is derivational, not representational.

In bare phrase structure, node X Y does not encode which daughter is the specifier and which is the complement. That information lives in the derivation: the first external Merge into a projection creates the complement; the second creates the specifier; internal Merge (movement) always creates a specifier/edge.

This module defines MergeEvent records that track derivational position and derives anti-locality constraints and the predicate- fronting extraction restriction from them.

Anti-Locality #

Two variants are formalized:

  1. Complement-to-Spec: the complement of a head H cannot move to Spec,HP. Restated positionally here; the original formulation is in Phase.lean.

  2. Spec-to-Spec (@cite{erlewine-2016}): movement from Spec,XP to Spec,YP is blocked when YP immediately dominates XP (no intervening maximal projection). Originally proposed for Agent Focus in Kaqchikel (@cite{erlewine-2016}). Also interacts with Toba Batak clause structure (@cite{erlewine-2018}).

How a constituent came to occupy its position in the tree.

This is a derivational property: it records which Merge operation placed the constituent, not where it sits in the final tree.

  • extComp : MergeType

    First external merge into a projection: complement position. E.g., V merges with DP_obj → DP_obj is complement of V.

  • extSpec : MergeType

    Second external merge into a projection: specifier position. E.g., DP_subj merges with v' → DP_subj is specifier of vP.

  • intSpec : MergeType

    Internal merge (movement): specifier/edge position. E.g., wh-phrase moves to Spec,CP.

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      Was this position created by movement?

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        A record of one Merge operation's positional consequence.

        Given a derivation, each Merge step produces a MergeEvent recording what was merged, into which projection, and what positional slot the merged element occupies.

        The result field stores the SO after this merge — useful for inspecting the representational state at any derivational point.

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              X is a specifier of Y in event history events: some merge placed X into Y's projection as a specifier.

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                X is a complement of Y in event history events.

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                  X moved to the specifier of Y via internal merge.

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                    Complement-to-Spec anti-locality, restated positionally.

                    If X is the complement of H, then X cannot move to Spec,HP. This is the positional restatement of Phase.antiLocality.

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                      Spec-to-Spec anti-locality.

                      Movement from Spec,XP to Spec,YP is blocked when YP immediately dominates XP — i.e., when there is no intervening maximal projection. This is "too local": Ā-movement must cross at least one full projection boundary.

                      In Toba Batak, this prevents the pivot in Spec,TP from moving to Spec,CP clause-internally (fn. 24, @cite{erlewine-2018}), though the primary extraction restriction derives from nominal licensing.

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                        Predicate fronting: VP/vP moves to Spec,CP via internal merge.

                        This derives V-initial word order in languages like Toba Batak. The predicate occupies a specifier (edge) position in the C-domain, leaving the subject/pivot stranded in Spec,TP.

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                          After predicate fronting, a constituent X is "stranded" if it is NOT inside the fronted predicate. Stranded elements remain accessible for further operations (e.g., extraction by a higher probe).

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                            After predicate fronting, a constituent X is "trapped" if it IS inside the fronted predicate. Trapped elements are inaccessible: the fronted phrase is a moved constituent and acts as a freezing domain.

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                              Stranded and trapped are complementary: every constituent of the clause is either stranded or trapped (tertium non datur).

                              The extraction restriction in predicate-fronting languages: only stranded elements (those outside the fronted predicate) can undergo further Ā-extraction.

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                                The pivot: the element stranded by predicate fronting. It sits in Spec,TP, outside the fronted VP, and is therefore the only argument accessible for extraction.

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                                  The pivot satisfies the extraction restriction: it is stranded (outside the fronted predicate), hence extractable.

                                  Non-pivot arguments are trapped (inside the fronted predicate), hence not extractable.

                                  theorem Minimalism.pivot_blocked_by_anti_locality (events : List MergeEvent) (pivot tP cP : SyntacticObject) (h_spec : isSpecIn events pivot tP) (h_imm : immediatelyContains cP tP) (h_anti : specToSpecAntiLocality events pivot tP cP) :
                                  ¬movedToSpecOf events pivot cP

                                  Anti-locality prevents the pivot from moving to Spec,CP in its own clause: Spec,TP → Spec,CP is too local.

                                  The pivot thus stays in Spec,TP. It does NOT move clause-internally, but it remains accessible to a higher probe because it sits at the edge of its clause, outside the fronted predicate.

                                  A successive-cyclic position: an intermediate landing site in Ā-movement. Each such site is a Spec of a phase head (Spec,vP or Spec,CP) that the moving element passes through.

                                  In Toba Batak, each intermediate C checks [+Pred] against the passing wh-copy, yielding extraction morphology. In Mam, each intermediate Voice⁰ Agrees [+oblique], yielding =(y)a'. Both are modeled as entries in a CyclicChain.

                                  The agreeResult field records whether Agree occurred at this position. When the mover passes through a phase head that probes for features (e.g., Voice with [uOblique]), Agree values the probe's features. The valued features can then be spelled out morphologically — this is how multiple =(y)a' arise in Mam long-distance extraction (one per Voice along the chain).

                                  • The moving element

                                  • projection : SyntacticObject

                                    The projection whose specifier it temporarily occupies

                                  • events : List MergeEvent

                                    Derivation events

                                  • passedThrough : movedToSpecOf self.events self.mover self.projection

                                    Evidence that the mover passed through this spec

                                  • agreeResult : Option FeatureBundle

                                    Features on the probe head at this position after Agree, if Agree occurred. none = no probe at this position (e.g., a non-phase edge). some fb = the probe's valued features, ready for Spellout (e.g., [+oblique] on Voice → =(y)a').

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                                    A successive-cyclic chain: the ordered sequence of intermediate landing sites an element occupies during long-distance movement.

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                                      Count cyclic positions where Agree occurred (features were valued). In Mam, this equals the number of =(y)a' morphemes expected in long-distance extraction: one per Voice/Dir along the chain.

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                                        Extract the agreed feature bundles from a chain, in order. Each some fb corresponds to a position where Agree occurred, yielding features that will be spelled out at PF.

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