Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.FillerGap.Islands.Studies.Adger2025

Mereological Syntax Account of Islands #

@cite{adger-2025}

@cite{adger-2025} derives island constraints from Angular Locality (AL) and Dimensionality, without stipulating phases, barriers, or subjacency. The key insight: transitivity of parthood does NOT cross dimensions. When an element's path to the target traverses both 1-part and 2-part edges, AL blocks movement.

Island derivations #

Connection to island typology #

This file cross-references the SynGraph derivations with the island constraint categories from Data.lean. The key prediction: subject, adjunct, and CNPC islands all follow from the SAME mechanism (cross- dimensional transitivity), not from separate constraints.

The core AL derivations are verified in SynGraph.lean (§ 10):

theorem Phenomena.FillerGap.Islands.Studies.Adger2025.uniform_island_mechanism :
(mkGraph 9 [(0, , 1, ), (1, , 2, ), (2, , 3, ), (4, , 5, ), (5, , 6, ), (7, , 8, )] [(1, , 4, ), (5, , 7, )]).satisfiesAL 8, 0, = false (mkGraph 8 [(0, , 1, ), (1, , 2, ), (2, , 3, ), (5, , 6, ), (6, , 7, )] [(1, , 4, ), (2, , 5, )]).satisfiesAL 7, 0, = false (mkGraph 10 [(0, , 1, ), (1, , 2, ), (2, , 3, ), (5, , 6, ), (6, , 7, )] [(1, , 4, ), (2, , 5, ), (5, , 8, ), (6, , 9, )]).satisfiesAL 9, 0, = false

All three strong island types (subject, adjunct, CNPC) are derived from the same mechanism: cross-dimensional transitivity failure. This contrasts with accounts that stipulate separate constraints for each island type.

We verify that AL blocks extraction from within each type using the same satisfiesAL predicate.

@cite{adger-2025}'s account predicts that subject islands are weak (ameliorable): the subject itself can always extract; only sub-extraction is blocked. The data classification agrees.

Adjunct islands are strong in the data and strongly blocked by AL (the adjunct is a 2-part; cross-dimensional transitivity always fails for elements deeper than the adjunct itself).