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Linglib.Phenomena.Conditionals.Studies.RamotowskaEtAl2025

@cite{ramotowska-santorio-2025} - Counterfactuals and Quantificational Force #

Ramotowska, S., Marty, P., Romoli, J. & Santorio, P. (2025). Counterfactuals and quantificational force: Experimental evidence for selectional semantics. Semantics & Pragmatics 18, Article 6: 1–43.

Finding #

Quantifier STRENGTH determines graded truth-value judgments for counterfactuals embedded under quantifiers, not polarity or QUD.

This supports the SELECTIONAL theory (Stalnaker + supervaluation) over:

Experimental Paradigm #

Two experiments using graded truth-value judgments (0–99 slider from "completely false" to "completely true"). QUD manipulated between subjects: E-QuD (existential: "at least one has a chance to win") vs U-QuD (universal: "all are guaranteed to win").

Test sentences (Experiment 2):

Key Results #

The three theories being tested.

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      Quantifiers tested in the experiment.

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          Quantifier strength classification, derived from canonical Strength.

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            QUD type manipulated between subjects.

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                Selectional theory predictions (Table 3): QUD-independent. Strong quantifiers → rejected (low ratings), weak quantifiers → accepted (high ratings).

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                  Experimental datum: mean slider rating (0–99 scale) for a condition. 0 = "completely false", 99 = "completely true".

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                      Experiment 2 Results (card game, n=94) #

                      Experiment 2 (§6) provides per-condition mean slider ratings for target counterfactual (TC) sentences in the mixed scenario, reported in §6.7.3 (p. 6:34). These are the verified values.

                      Experiment 2: mean slider ratings for counterfactuals in mixed scenarios. Verified from paper §6.7.3 (p. 6:34).

                      Strong quantifiers (every/all, none): all means < 4. Weak quantifiers (not all, some): all means > 82.

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                        Key empirical observation: Strength, not polarity or QUD, determines truth-value judgments for counterfactuals in mixed scenarios.

                        Strong quantifiers (every, no) have uniformly low mean ratings (< 4/99). Weak quantifiers (some, not every) have uniformly high ratings (> 82/99). QUD has no significant effect on counterfactual ratings.

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                          Strength effect: all strong quantifier ratings are below 5/99 and all weak quantifier ratings are above 80/99 in the mixed scenario.

                          This extreme separation rules out chance variation and confirms that strength is the dominant factor.

                          QUD has no effect on counterfactuals: within each quantifier, E-QuD and U-QuD ratings are close (differ by < 5 points on 0–99 scale).

                          This is the key prediction of the selectional theory (QUD-independent) and against the homogeneity theory (which predicts QUD × polarity).

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                            Selectional theory succeeds: predictions match data.

                            The selectional theory predicts that quantifier strength determines ratings regardless of QUD. This matches the observed pattern: strong quantifiers uniformly rejected, weak uniformly accepted, with no QUD modulation.

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                              Homogeneity theory fails: predicted QUD × polarity interaction absent.

                              The homogeneity theory predicts that positive quantifiers (every, some) should be rated HIGH under E-QuD but LOW under U-QuD, and vice versa for negative quantifiers. The data shows no such interaction:

                              • "every" is low under BOTH QUDs (~1.2 and ~1.5)
                              • "some" is high under BOTH QUDs (~97.2 and ~96.1)
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                                The homogeneity theory makes wrong predictions for 4 of 8 conditions.

                                Under U-QuD, homogeneity predicts:

                                • every → low (✓ observed: 1.5)
                                • some → low (✗ observed: 96.1)
                                • no → high (✗ observed: 3.3)
                                • not every → high (✓ observed: 82.1)

                                Under E-QuD, homogeneity predicts:

                                • every → high (✗ observed: 1.2)
                                • some → high (✓ observed: 97.2)
                                • no → low (✓ observed: 0.9)
                                • not every → low (✗ observed: 86.1)

                                Mixed-Effects Model Results (Table 5 of paper) #

                                Experiment 2 target counterfactual sentences, linear mixed-effects model with POLARITY, STRENGTH, QUD and interactions as predictors:

                                Effectβp
                                INTERCEPT46.1< .001
                                STRENGTH−88.7< .001
                                QUD−0.60.7
                                POLARITY5.9< .001
                                QUD:POLARITY0.30.9
                                STRENGTH:QUD3.90.2
                                STRENGTH:POLARITY−13.2< .001
                                STR:POL:QUD−5.30.4

                                Key findings:

                                Bridge: map study quantifiers to formal selectional predictions. Each quantifier maps to the corresponding projection operation from the theory layer (Counterfactual.lean).

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                                  Grounding theorem: the study-level prediction (selectionalPredictedHigh) agrees with the formal selectional semantics for any mixed input.

                                  This connects the theory layer's three-valued projection operations to the study file's simple strength-based classification. The classification is not stipulated — it is derived from the formal theory by construction.

                                  1. Projection Duality: The strength effect reflects the adjoint duality between universal (right adjoint, fragile) and existential (left adjoint, robust) operators. See Counterfactual.lean for the formalization.

                                  2. Plural Definites and QUD: Unlike counterfactuals, plural definite sentences ("The players won this round") ARE sensitive to QUD manipulation (Exp 2: E-QuD M=42.2 vs U-QuD M=29.6, β = −12.6, p = 0.01). This confirms the QUD manipulation worked and that counterfactuals' insensitivity to QUD is a genuine semantic property, not a failure of the manipulation.

                                  3. Conditional Excluded Middle (CEM): Stalnaker's semantics validates CEM: (A □→ B) ∨ (A □→ ¬B). See Counterfactual.lean for the proof.